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MISCELLANIES.

An Inquiry into the real Difference betw en ACTUAL MONEY, confifting of Gold and Silver, and paper Money of varius efor ptons. Alfo an Examination into the Confii win of Banks; and the Impoffibility of th ir combining the treo Characters of Bank ad Excb quer. By Magens Dorrien Magens, Efq. 8vo. PP 68. 2s. 6d. Afperne, at the Bible, Crown, and Conftitution !!! 1804.

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EFORE we fay a word of the author or of his tract, we must congratulate him on having discovered a "ookfeller who has had the ingenuity to invent a fign which had never before been thought of-the jign of the cnft tto:! Good heavens! what an age of invention, and of improvement is this! Bu let us obfe ve, however, in favour of our lefs ingenious ancestors, that if they never invented fuch a fign, the reason is plain; the thing was impoffele, because their figns exhibited a vifible mark or femblance of the thing intended to be reprefented; and even Mr. Afp rne's ingenuity, we conceive, would be puzzled to give to any painter fuch a defcription of the Conflitution as would enable him to exhibit it on a fign. We beg pardon, however, of Mr. Magens, for thus giving p ecedence to his publither.

We have read this inquiry with that degree of attention which the importance of the fubject difcuffed feemed to require. But we confess that to us it appears, that a very large proportion of it is devoted to the pu pofe of defining that which is obvious to every man s underfianding; and which, therefore, ftands no more in need of afinion, than the difference between a loaf and a bun. A L ́mbard-ftreet critic, however, would probably be of a different opin on. On the fub ect of accommodat on notes Mr. Magens is, we think, more correct than Mr. Thornton; his diftinction between their ufe and abufe is accurate; and his notion of the deception contained in the value received, where, in point of fact, no value is reprefen ed, is perfectly just. Not fo, his cenfure of the government for a nieafure which to us, and to every person whom we ever heard mention the subject, appeared a meafure not more expedien in its apphication, than wife in its principle; we allude to the iffue of Commercial Exchequer Bills in 1793, for the reHef of the commercial world, then diftre. ed by e traordinary and unforefeen preffure. The cenfure is grounded on a fuppofition not very folid, that the iffue of thofe bills tended to encourage commercial fpeculations, and to force trade beyond that confumption and demand which should invariably regulate its extent

In p 25. Mr. Magous claffes a livre among the current coins of Europe, wh reas he fhould have k own that it is only a no. inal coin; like our pound flerling.* The chief obj &t of his tract is to prove, what, to our understanding, at leaft, he has completely failed to pro e-that if the Bank were to make no advances to govern ent, pa meuts in fpecie might immediat be refumed. As it is, he denies that any danger wou d accrue from fich pas ments; and contends that if money thould in the first in

* The pound ft ring was formerly a real coin; and fo was the livre ; but for o ce turies no fuch money has been coined; though, for the calculata g the names are fill retained.

Convent n

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ftance

But however

ftance be exported, it would speedily return with interest. clear this may appear to him, he certainly has not made it clear to others. We fhall lay the burden of his fong before our readers.

"Separate, therefore, the Exchequer from the Bank; let the former depend upon itself alone, and let the Bank maintain its own sphere, as a house of agency for government, and of acc mmodation and convenience to b meṛcantile part of the comm nity" To our dull unmercantile understanding it feems ftrange that the fare writer who deprecates the relief of commercial men by the accommodation of Exchequer Bills advanced by government, fhould recommend a fimilar relief by the accommodation of note ad anced by the Bano England! There may be an effential difference in the nature and principle of thefe modes of relief, but we are fo ftupid as not to perceive it. And, indeed, to say the truth, it looks as if the grand objection to the advance of money by the Bank to Government were founded on the inconvenience refulting from fome limitation o: the accomm dation ufually afforded by the Bank to individuals. By fuch means it may speedily be enabled to refume its payments in fpecie; the government will be more fecure, and ge e al confidenc better eftablished. Nothing is wanting, but a refol tion, on the part of the minifter, to confider the Bank only as an agent; and never to borrow from it, or interfere with its concerns, unless f me violent convulfion overturns a'l fyftem, and renders meafures neceffary which no circumftance would justify Maintaining this plan, both would be ftrengthened, and the national wealth enco raged and increased. Pu fuing the fyftem of the last ten years, nothing but weakness and eventual difgrace can be expected to occur." If we may be allowed to judge of the future by the paft, there is no foundation whatever for any fuch expectation.

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Reflections proper for the prefent Times. 18mo. Pr. 36. 6d. or 5s. per dozen. Hatchard. 1804.

In his previous Addrefs to the public, the fenfible author ́ of this ufeful little book ble ves--"Throughout the greater part of the following pages are extracts from auth rs of establi ed re, utation, wh ch ¦ con not refrain from fubmitting to the pu lic, judging that they might not be without their ufe if in this form they were offer d to its infection); more efpecially, fince it must be notorious to he obfervation of every one, that, in these our days, the fentiments they contain, and the du ies they inculca e, are very much upon the wane amongst us.”

We fear his last rem rk is but too true, and a lamen able confideration it is; for thefe sentiments are fuch as every roe Chriftian and good subjet ought o entertain, and thefe duties are fuch as every man ought to difcharge. In the first part of the Reflections," a oncife view is taken of the punishments inflicted by God on he naps of antiquity, for their vices and fins, for the laudable purpose of thewing that the fame caufes may produce the fane effects in the prefent times. The author thus clofes this art of his book:

"It is, therefore, no lefs ufeful than curious, in reading history, to mark the different difpofitions Banners, and cha asers, of nations and their rulers; fince thefe are the inftruments, working under the direction of Provide ce, for the accomplishment of its defigns, without any infringement of man's free will. If you behold a bation diftinguithed by irreligion and contempt of things facred, by acentoufhefs, faction, lux

ury,

ury, diffipation, and effeminacy, be affured, that, without reformation, the conqueft of that nation by fome other is becoming more and more feafible every day. Such were the characteristics of the ancient people of God, in the times preceding their feveral captivities. Such was the cafe when the old Affyrian Empire perifhed with Sardanapalus; when Babylon was surprised by Cyrus; when Darius was overthrown by Alexander; when Greece fell under the dominion of the Romans; when these laft were overwhelmed by the Northern Nations; and when Conftantinople was taken by the Turks. Let thefe inftances fuffice, and let every man who has the profperity of his country at heart, very feriously confider how far these tokens are to be found upon ourselves; what can be done to prevent the farther spreading of the infection, and to eradicate the feeds of the diforder, Thofe in the higher ranks of life have a most brilliant example of virtue held forth to them from the Throne. Happy would it be for themselves, happy for the community, would they ftudy to reflect its lustre in the wide extended circles of their inferiors and dependents.

The second part of the Reflections exhibits fome of the most prominent features of the French Revolution, which, during the late " hollowarmed truce," men feemed difpofed to confign to oblivion, and so to deprive the world of the most useful leffon, and the most useful example, that were ever offered to it. The author has drawn a tolerable sketch of the character of the Corfican Ufurper; and he truly remarks, "With this moft extraordinary man we have now tried the experiment of peace, and we find by that experiment that he cares not for public faith or justice; that he regards not either the laws of nations or those of hofpitality; that he is governed by no principle but ambition, and acknowledges no other law but that of his own will. Let it not be imagined that this is an exaggerated picture; every trait will be found in the decrees, the reports, the public records, of French infamy and wretchednets."

No, it is not an exaggerated picture; nor is it in the power of the pon or the pencil, we will not fay to overcharge, the picture of this monster of iniquity and guilt, but to give any thing like an adequate reprefentation of the original. The author is entitled to the thanks of every religious mind for this laudable effort to direct the attention of the people to objects which they ought inceffantly to contemplate.

A New Dictionary of Ancient Geography, exbibiting the Modern in addition to the Ancient Names of Places; designed for the Use of Schools, and of those who are reading the Classics, or other ancient Authors. By Charles Pye. P. 7. Longman and Rees. 1803.

The ftudy of ancient geography, though essentially neceffary to a knowledge of history and claffics, is not generally cultivated with that affiduity which its importance feems to demand. Indeed the numerous contradictions which abound in ancient writers with refped to the names and boundaries of places, may have deterred many from this useful and interefting study. Thefe contradictions are thus noticed by Mr. Pye in his Preface. "In the time of Strabo, Mela, and cther ancient writers, the science of geography was in its infancy, and therefore it is not furprizing that they should have affigned different boundaries to the fame diftri&s; but we are alfo to confider that the continued warfare which fut fifted between contending nations, frequently extended the limits of one region, and of courfe contracted thofe of another. Hence we may find a town reprefented by one perfon as fituated in Macedonia, and by another as in

Theffaly

Theffaly, yet both may be right ac ording to the time they refpectively wrote The fame remar is applicable to other d ftricts, as is clearly demonftrated in the prefent imes, for which reason the boundari,s are genera ly omitted in th's publication."

7

The author here feems to decl ne any attempt to reconcile the various con radictions on thefe fubjects. His avowed object is to arrange the ancient a d mode n names in a clear and methodical manner, fo as to give a re dy reference to each; and in add tion to this arrangement of ancient appellations, both of people and places, with the modern names, he has given con ie chronological hiftory of the principal places; by which the book al o erves in many afes as a Gazetteer.

The autho, in hi, Pr face, prof ffes to lay claim to no other merit than that of industry, and in all cafes to have taken his materials from the most approved doc ments. But while we allow this ftatement to be generally correct we have to po nt out fome inaccuracies, which we recommend to his notice and cor ection in a future edition.

We do not always find even all the ancient names detailed which places bore at different periods. It is not ftated here that Scotland was once called Albania, and at another period Scot a Minor, to diftinguish it from Ireland, which was then called Scotia Major. In giving references, likewie, the places or names referred to are not always inferted: fuch are the following: Brightstow, fee Bristol; Scoti, fee Scots; Campus Martius, fee Campus Tiberinus, &c.

To enter into a minute detail of the inaccuracies of a work of this nature, would e ted ous and difficult, and in fome cafes invidious, where the fubject are of the moft vague character. In fuch inftances the errors are often either doubtful or unimportant. We find, upon the whole, clear and practical arrangement of arti les which are difperied in more volum nous works. Mr. Pye has here conden ́ed within a narrow fpace the fubftance of Cellarius, Lamprie e, Macbean, &c. In short, the work will be found very useful and convenient to all perfons reading the Claffics, or fludying modern geography, and, indeed, to all readers of hiftory, whether facred or protane.

REVIEWERS REVIEWED.

EXTRACTED FROM AIKIN'S ANNUAL REVIEW FOR 1803, PAGE 510. Art. XV.-The Revolutionary Plutarch; exhibiting the most distinguished Characters literary, military, and political, in the recent Annals of the French Republic: the greater part from the original information of a Gentleman resident at Paris. To which, as an Appendix, is reprinted entire, the celebrated Pamphlet of Killing no Murder." 2 vols.

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Art. XVI.-History of the French Consulate under Napoleon Bonaparte: being an authentic narrative of his Administration, which is so little known in Foreign Countries. Including a sketch of his Life. The whole interspersed with curious anecdotes, and a faithful statement of interesting transactions until the renewal of hostilities in 1803. By W. Barre, witness to many of the facts related in the narrative. 8vo.

FEAR

LEAR is always cruel. The Romans had once been driven to the very brink of ruin by the abilities of Hannibal, and never after thought them.elves fecure till their perfecutions had driven the exiled war

rior to felf-deftruction. The ambition of Louis XIV. was flopped in the midat of his career by William III.; and when the victorious arms of the confederates were on the point of inflicting on France the defolation which had attended the march of her troops through the ftates of Germany, and the provinces of Belgium, a plot to affaffinate the redeemer of the liberties of Europe was contrived by the French miniftry, and fanctioned by its monarch. The ungenerous policy of England filled Ireland with difaffection, and her alarmed Minifters of torture were let loose to quell, by means which would have difgraced even an Alva, the commotions of her own raifing. Bonaparte has threatened us with invafion, and Englishmen have been found to propole an atrocious and unfparing warfare, which in modern times has been commanded only by Robefpiere, and has been practifed by

none.

"In the late war, and in the prefent, the British Miniftry has been loudly accused of participating in, and encouraging, thofe plans of affaffination which have been directed against the perfon of the Chief Magiftrate of France. Let the Miniftry, if they can with truth, vindicate themfelves from fo black a charge, by folemn and authentic difavowal; and let the British public fhew the high honour and intrepid courage for which they have long been renowned, by configning to merited contempt and abhorrence all works, together with their authors, whofe direct tendency is to degrade the generous and high-fpirited patriot into the lurking attain.”

We fhould have taken fome pains to expofe the writer of this miferable jargon, mifcalled criticism, who feems not to understand the English grammar, and his vile Jacobinical principles, as manifested in his commendations of a man, loaded with more crimes than any other individual whofe actions are recorded in hiftory, if a correfpondent had not spared us the trouble. We fhall infert his remarks, therefore, inftead of our comments.

SIR,

YOUR

TO THE EDITOR.

UR known loyalty and candour make me hope that you will not refufe a place for the inclofed fhort review of Arthur Aikin's Annual Review. The copy of his review of the Revolutionary Plutarch, fhews you his manner of reviewing loyal productions. Mine, I hope therefore, is neither illiberal nor unjuft. I am, Sir,

AN ANTI-JACOBIN.

Jacobins are always cruel. Under Robespierre they crowded the prifons and fcaffolds with victims; and every man who detefted their crimes, or abhorred their principles, was imprisoned as fufpected, and executed as a confpirator against the French republic. Jean de Brie, now Buonaparte's prefect at Besançon, propofed, when a member of the national convention, to erect a corps of regicides, whofe employments were to be the murderers of all lawful princes. Guftavus III. the king of Sweden, was killed by the Jacobins; Louis XVI. was murdered by them, and Louis XVII. was poifoned by them.

The vigorous policy of England prevented the deftruction of liberty in Ireland, and preferved that country from the worst of all tyrannies, that of Jacobins. Buonaparté has threatened us with an invafion, and Englishmen

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