form of Dost Mahomed's government, possessed the freedom to which they have always been accustomed, was subjected to an unlimited military despotism, and kept in subjugation by the British bayonet; their stronghold garrisoned by a foreign army; their religious and political institutions subverted, and their country conquered by an infidel power. But the possession of Avghanistaun by England has been transient and probationary of the oppressed.

NOTE. That the English agent left Cabul without having arranged a treaty with Dost Mahomed, which should have secured the friendship of the Avghans, was certainly not owing to any aversion on the part of the Ameer. When the didactic and imperative ultimatum of Lord Auckland was handed to the Ameer, in which his highness saw the frustration of his hopes, for he was decidedly in favour of an English alliance, although he allowed his policy to be swayed by the Kizzlebashe or Persian interest, a general council was called. The document was handed to me amongst others; I satisfied myself, by the Governor-General's signature, of its authenticity, surveying the contents with extreme surprise and disappointment. Dost Mahomed was mortified, but not terrified. He always reassured himself that he had no occasion for apprehending alarm from the English, so long as Runjeet'h could maintain his independence. For to the native mind, the possession of power, without the exertion of authority is tantamount to imbecility, and the mere existence of the Panjab as an independent principality in the presence of a powerful neighbour, was indubitable evidence of that neighbour's unsustained repute. His highness never conceived that the English, who have great celebrity for utilitarian operations in their political enterprises, would project the invasion of Cabul through Kandhar, first subduing Scind, and surmounting the sterile wastes, the intricate mountain passes, and waterless deserts of Beloochistaun. The suffering to the troops and destruction of camp followers, and loss of baggage, recalls to mind the similar march of Alexander through Gedrosia, a part of the same country. A column of Alexander's army, returning from India, pursued this identical route, lately traversed by the army of the Indus. With the enemy at the gates of Cabul, the defection of his feudal chiefs, dissensions of his council, and desertions of his troops, all the result of British gold, and diplomatic promises, the obligarchy was dissolved, the ancient regime established

and sustained by British bayonets, absolutely without a contested campaign.

The Governor-General's ultimatum was handed around, and an embarrassing silence ensued. A few minutes elapsed when Mirza Semme Khan recalled the party from abstraction. This individual, the leader of the Kizzlebashe party, had all along been remarkable for his asperity in combating the Prince's inclination towards the English alliance. He was of Persian descent and a schismatic Sheah, whose vindictive soul ever moved with enthusiastic hatred of the English, now opposed their agent, who had not bribed him to the full amount of his expectation. He proclaimed that the Governor-General's ultimatum left no other alternative than the dismission of the English agent, for the spirit of the Kizzlebashe party was supercilious and unyielding, though full of duplicity. The British negotiator made great promises to this influential body, no one of which was subsequently realized, and they were to a man not only exasperated to revenge the insult thus levelled at their community, which was of prætorian importance, but stimulated by the necessity of sustaining their order, and of providing for their subsistence, which had been cut off by the new form of government. Nieb Mahomed Ameer Khan Akhoond Zadah, who was an Avghan of the Barikzye tribe, stood high in the Ameer's estimation, and exercised great influence as the organ of the Avghan interest. He also held the appointment of Governor of Cabul, and was numbered amongst the chief supporters of the Ameer's family. He combined the character of a secretary of state, and a military chief. On this occasion he openly opposed the Kizzlebashe party, and urged many weighty arguments in favour of a pacific settlement of the Ameer's relations with the British government, which had now assumed a position so inauspicious, he concluded his oration with these words, addressing the Ameer, "Imkaun n'daried ta Shuma Harlan Sahebra der mean i een Sakhun N'aree bayed Kaeera, Nuzd i Burnes Saheb, b'freese, wo mokudimat i toora, az ukklewo, rah i Khood i ahel fering drust Kirda Khwahedad"-There is no other resource for you but to introduce Mr. Harlan in the negotiations with Mr. Burnes, and he, through his own facilities and wisdom, will arrange a treaty, according to their European usage, for the pacific and advantageous settlement of your affairs-and to this proposition the council unanimously assented. An official note was immediately despatched to Burnes's secretary, conveying intimation of the resolution, and by return of the messenger, an official response was received indirectly declining the proposition, by deferring the measure to a more convenient opportunity of time. The council dispersed, and I wrote to the English agent a letter, referring to the Ameer's previous official communication, investing

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me with power to treat, containing a proposal to negotiate upon his own terms. The reply I received was personally friendly, but I was much astounded that it evinced a deficiency of knowledge of first principles concerning the rights of independent powers in political negotiations. I could not have believed that a gentleman of liberal education, and ordinary talent for observation, was so totally ignorant of equity and the laws of nations as to make the assertions and pretext he urged to excuse and justify his refusal to recommence negotiations with the Ameer, although officially proposed upon his own terms!

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APPENDIX.

I.

THE following extracts from The Atlas, an English paper of authentic resources, were written before the massacre of the Anglo-Indian army en route from Cabul to Jillalabad, but are still applicable to the state of affairs up to our last accounts in regard to Sale's position.

"With regard to our position at Jillalabad, reports of disasters and despair have been as abundant as they are at variance with each other. Our own correspondents seem to consider the gallant band under the command of General Sale at that place far from exposed to the imminent peril apprehended by some. There was no scarcity of provisions; there was a good supply of ammunition, and relief would, no doubt, be speedily afforded. The tone of the private letter on the subject published in last Saturday's Atlas, combined with the general tenor of others which have appeared in the columns of our contemporaries, will eminently tend, we trust, to allay the fears which we are led sanguinely to hope have been prematurely excited.

"Jillalabad is situated in lat. 34° 4' N., long. 70° 37' E., and lies about ninety miles due east of Cabul— the scene of the insurrection. The strength of our position was manifest, and tended to confirm the hope cherished of the perfect safety of our force in the fort, and their stout resistance in the event of a siege. A reperusal of the private letter published in our last would aid in still more clearly demonstrating the stirring scene."

"We have received several letters from our correspondents in India regarding the state of affairs in Avghanistaun. The following is an extract from one of them, which furnishes a graphic description of a stirring event:

"You will have heard of the clouded aspect of affairs in Avghanistaun-Sir Alexander Burnes murdered, with his brother and some other British officers; Sir W. M'Naghten, with half our troops, shut up in Cabul; General Sale, with the other half, shut up in Jillalabad; the whole country in arms; the passes closed, so that we only get occasional reports, with now and then a letter. The country had just been reported perfectly quiet by Sir A. Burnes. Sir W. M'Naghten, taking advantage, it is said, of such tranquillity, persuaded the imbecile shah to withhold the indulgence of a remission of revenue which the hill tribes had enjoyed time immemorial, as black mail, for keeping open the passes. These wild tribes flew to arms, and shut up, first the Khoord Cabul pass, which leads from Cabul to Jillalabad. Sale was sent to force it, which he did with great loss of officers and men. The Europeans were almost beaten. The enemy's loss was nothing; they closed on the rearguard and baggage; our sepoys behaved nobly. As soon as Sale cleared the