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uniting exertions for the public good, was a spontaneous impulse, and required no artificial stimulus. But as civilization extended, societies increased in size, personal security became less precarious, and property more respected; instead of small bands or tribes, nations were established. The duty of patriotism became now not so self-evident-individual and public safety were not so intimately connected. But still public spirit was absolutely necessary, to preserve the independence of the new formed societies. The species of civilization which then existed, was confined to a very small extent of territory; that territory was surrounded with men, whose sense of right and wrong was less acute; and who, therefore, would not hesitate, when urged by the wants of nature, to encroach on their more civilized neighbours. Under such circumstances, it required very active exertions, to resist these inroads and as united exertions could alone avail, the encouragement of public spirit became of first-rate importance. As the degree of public spirit then requisite, infringed on the du ties nature had still more strongly inculcated, it was found necessary to encourage patriotism by artificial methods. Fame, power, wealth, grandeur, were the rewards attached to its prac tice in this world; and immortality was promised by the priests, and supposed to follow in the next. Since it then became the means of obtaining such desirable objects, is it surprising it should have acquired so many votaries? Thus encouraged, it raged to a degree of enthusiasm, that continued after the necessity, which had produced it, had ceased. It then became an engine in the hands of the ambitious; and has been one indirect cause, that the annals of mankind are merely the annals of blood. Taking a survey of history, both ancient and modern, how few wars are recorded, in which the society or happiness of the individuals engaged, were really concerned; or in which the public spirit called forth on the occasion, was not of this ar tificial or spurious kind! It has cast a false splendour over the most nefarious transactions; and has been the plausible pretext, which has facilitated the commission of the most horrid crimes. National prejudices, perhaps the most irrational and illiberal of all prejudices, have in it their origin. Through this artful political delusion, mankind have been stimulated to shed the blood and destroy the happiness of each other, to satisfy the ambition, and cupidity of an unprincipled few. The quarrels of princes, the plots of statesmen, and the ambition of ruffian conquerors,

could never have been productive of such direful consequences, had not the multitude been deceived into a belief, that they were exerting themselves for the good of their country, when in reality they were merely making themselves the instruments, by which the destroyers of human peace were accomplishing their dreadful designs. To ascribe the origin of all wars to this source, would be attributing to it undue importance; but saying, that had it not been for this cause, wars would have been less frequent, is certainly not deviating from the truth.

This artificial degree of patriotism has been continued down even to modern times; and although, for a long period, it has been little more than a subject for declamation, its mischievous effects have not entirely ceased. Mankind are still, in some degree, its dupes. Glory has still her charms, and modern patriots, like the majority of the ancient, are merely votaries at her shrine. Although a fact requiring but little reflection to establish, that few, if any, within the compass of authentic history, ever sacrificed their lives, to benefit their country, yet the world is imbecile enough, to ascribe actions arising from a love of fame, and sometimes from worse motives, to that principle alone. The candidate for glory may commit acts of the greatest injustice, may sacrifice the lives of his brave countrymen, compelled in a land of freedom, to obey his mandates, and if successful, is sure of being honoured as a patriot-the pure and ardent lover of his country! Mounted on the car of glory, crowned with the laurel of victory, he is drawn by his deluded countrymen, while the hireling poet, and juggling statesman, make the air reverberate with fulsome panegyric; and the hypocritical priest offers up prayers to the god of peace, for the welfare of a devastating hero; in reality, the tool perhaps by which some ambitious and cowardly fellow mortal gratifies his ruling passion; or perhaps some oligarchical junto secure to themselves the loaves and fishes, and eventually ruin their country.

As the state of civil society is gradually ameliorating, this poetical patriotism, as we may name it, is daily becoming more unnatural, and obtaining less attention from the multitude. It may therefore be rationally hoped, that it is one among the many mischievous errors, which the increasing light of reason will at last render palpable to the most defective sight. That the progress towards perfection will continue, as long as the order of

DD-VOL. V.

nature, hitherto experienced, remains uninterrupted, although the disciples of MALTHUS, may call the opinion visionary, can undoubtedly be supported, by at least plausible arguments. The infinite perfectability of Condorcet, and other French authors, has been the subject of ridicule; but it is a mistake to consider with Lord Shaftesbury, that ridicule is a test of truth. Of infinite perfection we can form no idea, and it is certainly improper to use the expression. The slightest retrospect of the past, however, must convince the most careless observer, that the human species have been advancing in a progress towards perfection; and it is reasonable to expect, that the future will be productive of similar progress. The advocates for the probability of such a philosophical millennium have had opinions attributed to them, which they never advanced. The most sanguine, with the exception of the hypothetical GonwIN, never seriously supposed, that man would, while on this earth, become invulnerable to the darts of death, or that bodily pain would be unknown. They merely expressed a rational conviction, that a period would come, when knowledge would terminate the innumerable evils arising from ignorance; that consequently vice would give way to virtue; that poverty, oppression, and inequality of rank would disappear; that, to use the concurrent language of Revelation," the sword would be beaten into ploughshares, and the spears into pruninghooks;" in short, that the life of man would be long and happy, and death be the reverse of that which casually terminates a life of vice and luxury.

That the morality of the ancient world was imperfect, when brought into competition with the modern, can be proved from the pages of almost every author of antiquity, from Homer down to Lucian. Cicero, the most conspicuous of Roman moralists, seems never to have imagined any other inducement to a virtuous conduct, than the hope of glory. It is not surprising then, that they should have placed patriotism, the fashionable virtue of the day, first on the list of human duties. But that modern writers on morals, should have inculcated the same error, is a little singular. It has been argued, with much probability, that we derive our improved ideas on morality, from the original and pure doctrines of our divine religion; but whether this be admitted or not, it seems equally difficult to account, why so palpable an error in ancient morality, should not have been long exploded. SOAME JENYNS has observed, that Christianity acknow

ledges no such virtue as patriotism; but this perhaps is saying too much, for a rational patriotism is certainly included in the most valuable maxim of the Christian code. It is, however, true, that the Gospel does not explicitly mention patriotism, and those moralists who describe it as the most important of social duties, have deviated from their divine model. Almost every moralist has fallen into this error; and if they differ ever so widely on other subjects, in this they agree. Shaftesbury, Hutchison, Bolingbroke, Kaimes, Fordyce, Frederick of Prussia, Frend, in short, every author who has attempted to lay down a system of morals, or written on patriotism, seems entirely to have forgotten, that the Almighty has endued human beings with social affections more cogent than the love of country; and that consequently, in prescribing the weaker affection to be obeyed before the stronger, they are thwarting and endeavouring to reverse the order of nature. Lord Kaimes has attempted to sup port this error with argument; but there is not much difficulty in shewing the fallacy of his reasoning. He supposes, as we have already mentioned, that it is by the use of abstract terms, that we are enabled to raise patriotism and general benevolence in the mind, and that, by this happy contrivance, objects which because of their distance have little or no influence, are made by accumulation, and by being gathered together in one general view, to have the strongest effects: which increase in proportion to their grandeur or magnitude. If this were true, we should have more affection for the human species, as being a more comprehensive and grander abstract term, than for our country; which, from experience, we find not to be the case. Thus philosophers have joined in the conspiracy to mislead our understanding, and although poets are in general not conspicuous for correct reasoning, to their credit it should be mentioned that Pope," the bard of common sense," as he has been aptly styled, is almost the only author, who seems to have had a just opinion on the present subject. The passage alluded to, and prefixed as a motto to this essay, is as true as it is poetically expressed. It contains a natural arrangement of our social duties. Self-love, indulged beyond proper bounds, has a dissocial tendency; and is therefore the only inherent quality in the human breast, which we should freely sacrifice when requisite to the performance of cur social duties.

We have endeavoured to prove that to have an equal degree of affection for all nations, is unnatural; but certainly to hate any nation, is much more so. Who can avoid lamenting that national hatred should have any place in the human breast? Persons, however, from whom we might expect greater liberality, make use of expressions, which prove the existence of this horrid sentiment. A neighbouring nation, with whom we have been unfortunately too often at war, has been called our natural enemy; an expression which should certainly be reprobated, by every enlightened friend to humanity. That such a mischievous expression, should deform the page of the amiable and ingenuous Lord Kaimes, is certainly surprising. Turbulent and unfeeling princes may, with good reason, endeavour to foment national animosity. They know well, that what are denominated the. quarrels of nations, are only the quarrels of themselves; and that unless they succeed in corrupting their unfortunate subjects, they cannot hope to gain their assistance in accomplishing their own base purposes. But, it is the duty of the philosopher, to discover and expose their machinations.

One great difference between the modern state of society in Europe, and the state of civilized society in the ancient world,☛ consists in this circumstance, that the characters of citizen and soldier were formerly united, but now, in general, they are distinct. A spirit of patriotism disseminated among the soldiers, was in ancient times essential to the successful conduct of war; but modern soldiers are the hired servants of the public, and fight merely for their wages, What patriotism can be supposed to actuate the modern soldier in battle, when he is in all probability, perfectly ignorant of the cause in which he is engaged; when it is a crime for him even to think or reason on the subject? "None but our Satraps," said the Persian soldier to Babouc, in Voltaire's tale, "know exactly the reason why we cut one another's throats." It is sufficient now, if vulgar prejudices can be so far raised in the minds of those who pay the soldiers, to induce them readily to draw their purse-strings, and part with the necessary supply without coercion. J. N. H. E.

[To be Concluded in another Number.]