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tive inference from it, of the value of the practice. The casts, though described with great pomp of words, when attentively examined, appears to be, what Mr. Hunt calls, " little cafes;" that is, where the disease was very light and trifling. They are also deficient in authenticity; neither the names ot the patients, nor of any persons who saw them with the Doctor, being given. In the cure, instead os confining himself to the application of cold water to the affected parts, as might be expected, large doses of the volatile tincture of guiacum and paregoric elixir, (two drams ot each) were given to each of the patients every four, six, or eight hours. How the Doctor will reconcile giving these exceedingly hot and stimulating medicines, after saying that all heating and stimulating diet and medicines should be avoided, we cannot tell. Mr. Hunt calls this practice, p. 5, " supporting a constant fire within, and when it makes its appearance on the surface, damping its progress by the application of cold vva'er." There is certainly an inconsistency in the practice requiring explanation. A longer time, Mr. Hunt observes, seems to have been expended in the cures, than would have been required, had different modes of'practice been adopted, or than if the cure had been left to the constitution without the interference of art. Such are the arguments used by Mr. Hunt, in opposition to the new theory and practice in the gout. We have the more readily dwelt upon them, having, by some accident, omitted to notice the work of Dr. Kinglake, at the time it was published, in the year 180t. We have now carefully read that work, and readily join Mr. Hunt in the censure passed upon it, in this ingenious performance.

Art. IX. The Hiftorie and Life of King James the Sext. Written towards the latter Part of the Sixteenth Century. . 8vo. 294 pp. 10s. Constable and Co., lidhiburgtv. Longman and Rees, and Mawman. London. 1804.

FROM the preface to this volume we learn that It is . published for the double purpose of discrediting the Memoirs of the affairs of Scotland, written by Craw surd, Historiographer to Queen Anne; and establishing the guilt of Mary Queen of Scots by the testimony of a contemporary, supposed partial to her cause. That the publication must contribute much to the former of these purposes is indis5 putable:

putable; but we have seen in it nothing to alter our opinion respecting the innocence of the unfortunate Queen.

Towards the end of the long preface to his memoirs, Crawfurd fays,

"I had all the substance of these sheets from an ancient MS. presented me by my very good friend Sir James Baird of Saughtone-Hcill, who purchased it by meer accident from the necessitous widow of an episcopal clergyman. As for the author's fortunes, or particular character, I am wholly in the dark. However, thus much may be easily gathered from his works, that he was a man offense, and one that made not a very mean figure in the world, as appears by the justness and solidity of his reflections, and his more exact and particular account of the various transactions and turns of state in his time, than is to' be met with from any one author upon the fame subject." P. xxxvii.

The history before us is published, we are told, from the identical manuscript from which Crawfurd says that he had all the substance of his memoirs; but if the author of that manuscript was, in the reign of Queen Anne, so utterly unknown, how came the Historiographer to talk of his works? One short history cannot be called works; and though Crawfurd seems to have been a literary coxcomb, not capable of writing in a pure style, we cannot help suspecting, from his inadvertently employing this word, that he knew more of the author of the ancient manuscript, than he found it expedient to acknowledge. Be this as it may, after ascertaining the period at which the manuscript was probably written, he thus proceeds:

"I declare solemnly I have not (that I know os) ivrtfled any es his ivords, to add to one man's credit or impair the honesiy of another, and having no manner of dependance upon any party (for though the persons are dead, the parties, for ought I know, may be alive flillj I have neither heightened nor dimiuijbed any particular chara&er or aft ion, but kept as close as prffible to his meaning and fense. If I had delivered things in his own style, it would have proved tedious and heavy to the nice reader, and by many in our neighbouring nation could hardly have been understood without a dictionary.—The common and commendable practice of our neighbours, in making new translations of innumerable books written in old Enghsti, before their language was polished and improved, as it is since the restoration of King Charles II. shields me from any just censure for putting this important piece of history in a more modern dress, than that in which its author left it. I must acquaint my reader too, that he had not fully digested-his aatter into form and method, having marked down things {as it'

E 2 seems)

seems) just when they happened, or when they came first within the reach of his knowledge." P. xxxviii.

Such are Crawford's protestations of impartiality; and such the reasons which he assigns for having corrected a language th<it, as observed by Whitaker, was "equal to his own, and reformed a method that was better than his own." His reasons are ridiculous; while his conduSl has been such as no reasoning could justify. This, however, the public is not now to learn from the volume before us. So long ago as the year l~3i, Keith informed his readers*, that he " took, all his quotations from a MS. copy, which was taken from the very MS. made use of by Mr. Crawturd before he caused it to be printed;" adding, that " there are considerable variations betwixt the manuscript and the print." This was observed by Whitaker, who, with the candour of truth, having severely censured Ciawsurd for " adding to the whole, subtracting from the whole, and making bold and daring alterations in it," proceeds to compares the quotations in Keith with the corresponding passages in the printed memoirs; and from that comparison draws the following just conclusion.

"All serves to hurt the reputation of these Memoirs. Amidst so many evidences of corruption, we hardly know where to find the text in its original integrity. Our references to it at present, therefore, except where we have the original preserved by Keith, must be made with a dubiousness of confidence. And I notice the necessity of this in order to be faithful to the truth; and in hopes conducing some gentleman of Edinburgh to procure either Crawsujd's MS. or Keith's copy of it, and to give it unsophisticated to^he world."

To enable our readers to judge for themselves of the obliquity of Crawfurd's conduct, as well as of the value of tins history of James the Sixth, we shall extract from it a few passages, contrasting them with the corresponding passages in the memoirs; and we shall select such as seem to be of some importance, and have not been already brought before the public by Whitaker.

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r. "The Qucene beirg then at Jedburghc, and understanding the certain report of this accident, was so heichlie greevit in heirt, that fhee took na repose in bodye till stiee sawe him, and therefore with all expeditioun addrest herself to a castell in Liddisdaill, callit the Armetage, quhair the said Earle then lay for curing of his woundis; and when fhee had confident of her estate to be in greet danger of lyff, immediately that fame night fhee returnit to Jedburgh: quhair, quhat for weeriness of that fuddeine and long travill, and greet distress of hir mynd for the hurt of the said Earle, (hee contractit a burning corruptit seever, that occupyit hir in sick a heiche degree, that hir senses for the twa pairt of the first day were 'diminisht. Bot theiiafter stiee convalescit a little, and finding hir bodye opprest with siethness tending to thedeeth (as fhee thought,) Jhee caufit Jend advertisement to all the kirks next adjacent to pray Jar hir: and in the meene tynie was resolute to render hir spirite to God, Sec." P. a".

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'j. "Ihe Queen, whp could not but value the Earl as of all men living the most constant and best affected to her service, was heartily uneasy for this misfortune, and apprehending his danger to be greater than indeed it was, posted with all imaginable haste to Hermitage |a castle in Cliidifdale,') where he then lay to be cured of his wounds. She had not been there above half an hour, when she began to consider that the house not being impregnable, and the robbers grown bold with this new victory, (he run the hazard of faljing into their hands; and all her attendants being of the fame opinion, (he took horse immediately, and rid that very night to jedburgh, where (he fell ill of a burning reaver, contracted by the fatigue of so sudden a journey, or by the sharpness of the night air, after having been so long confined to her chamber.

"During the first two days of her illness, (he was extremely out of order, but upon the third day she recovered the use of her reason. Yet finding herself very weak, and being appre. hensive of death, (lie called for all those who waited upon her, and with a serene countenance, though feeble voice, told them she believed a few hours would remove her from this life to a better. That though slip had ever been fond enough of life, yet now she found it nothing E 3 hard

• We quote the original editipn of 1706".

2. "The caus quhairfore he (the King) was thus evil handlit, was that Queene Marie being servit be ane David Rictio Italiene as Secretare, and this office of his being prejudicial to SecretareMaitland offLithingetoun, he addrest himself (being a mon of subtile braine) to a faction direct repugnant to the Queene in all respectis. And in the meene tyme the King he informit to conceive in mynd, that this Italiene Secretare had Cornell copulatioun nuith the Queene, to the end he might induce some of the nobilitie to trouble the estate, as it followit thereafter: for King Henrie being a young prince, na ways experimentit in pollitique affaires, was easilie seducit, nat weying ather the caus or the end aright quhat mould fall out of that actioun: For they made him beleeve that they should caus him be absolutlie crownit King of Scotland." P, 6,


hard to resolve upon death, &c." P. 2.

2. "The Queen had era. ployed, as her Secretary, (especially in French affairs) one David Rizio, a Savoyard, a man ignobly born, of a piercing wit, dilligent and honest ;. but who, to ballance his good qualities, was notoriously "proud and haughty, at once despising his most powerful enemies, and undervaluing the assistance of his most constant friends; as if he had scorned to owe his great, ness to any thing but the fa. vour of his princess and the merit of his own conduct. There was at the fame time her Secretary—Maitland, of Le, thingtone, a man of great parts, •well versed in all the intreagucs of the court, and the inclinations of the common people; singularly cunning, bold, and eloquent, but prone to changes; and so fond if being great, or of appearing con. fiderable in a party, or cabal, that no tyes of honour ar friend. Jhip could bind him to the intere/f of his sovereign or his country. He had in vain endeavoured to render David suspected to the Queen, ivho rarely became diffir dent of those Jijc once trusted; and therefore joyn'd himself underhand with a discontented factious party (of which Murray and Mortone were the heads) who either as secret pensioners of England, or for by-ends of their own, had constantly opposed all her measures.—They fend for the young King, (who indeed was naturally weak, irresolute, and credulous,) and there, after a long, smooth pro. amble of affection for his person, and sincerity for his interest, inform

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