fully the ancient system of πάροικοι, μέτοικοι, &c., and the principle on which it rested; that different races have different voupa, and that an indiscriminate mixture breeds a perfect "colluvio omnium rerum." Now Christianity gives us that bond perfectly, which race in the ancient world gave illiberally and narrowly, for it gives a common standard of vóμiua, without observing distinctions, which are, in fact, better blended.

[This letter, as well as the preceding, alludes to the subjoined declaration, circulated by him for signature.]

"The undersigned members of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, many of them being engaged in education, entertaining a strong sense of the peculiar benefits to be derived from studying at the Universities, cannot but consider it as a national evil, that these benefits should be inaccessible to a large proportion of their countrymen.

"While they feel most strongly that the foundation of all education must be laid in the great truths of Christianity, and would on no account consent to omit these, or to teach them imperfectly, yet they cannot but acknowledge, that these truths are believed and valued by the great majority of Dissenters, no less than by the Church of England; and that every essential point of Christian instruction may be communicated without touching on those particular questions on which the Church and the mass of Dissenters are at issue.

"And, while they are not prepared to admit such Dissenters as differ from the Church of England on the most essential points of Christian truth, such as the modern Unitarians of Great Britain, they are of opinion, that all other Dissenters may be admitted into the Universities, and allowed to take degrees there with great benefit to the country, and to the probable advancement of Christian truth and Christian charity amongst members of all persua

sions."

low Warburtonian notions of the ends of political society." See also Preface to his Edition of Thucydides, vol. iii. p. xv.

*

LXXXII.

TO H. BALSTON, ESQ.

Rugby, May 19, 1834.

I am very glad that you continue to practise composition, but above all I would advise you to make an abstract of one or two standard works. One, I should say, in philosophy;—the other in history. I would not be in a hurry to finish them, but keep them constantly going,—with one page always clear for Notes. The abstract itself practises you in condensing and giving in your own words what another man has said; a habit of great value, as it forces one to think about it, which extracting merely does not. It further gives a brevity and simplicity to your language, two of the greatest merits which style can have, and the notes give you an opportunity of a great deal of original composition, besides a constant place to which to refer any thing that you may read in other books; for having such an abstract on hand, you will be often thinking when reading other books, of what there may be in them which will bear upon your abstract.

The latter part of your letter I very heartily thank you for: it is a great over-payment of any exertions of mine when what it would be a breach of duty in me to omit, is received so kindly and gratefully. At the same time I have always thought that it was quite impossible in my situation to avoid feeling a strong personal interest in most of those whom I have had to do with, independently of professional duty.

I shall be always glad to see you or to hear from you.

LXXXIII. TO W. EMPSON, ESQ.

Rugby, June 11, 1834.

The political matters on which you touch, are to me of such intense interest, that I think they would kill me if I lived more in the midst of them; unless, as was said to be

a For the sake of convenience, an asterisk has been prefixed to the names of those correspondents who had been his pupils at Rugby.

the case with the Cholera, they would be less disturbing when near, than when at a distance. I grieve most deeply at this ill-timed schism in the Ministry, and, as men, who have no familiarity with the practice of politics, may yet fancy that they understand their principles, so it seems to me that both Lord Grey and the seceders are wrong. We are suffering here, as in a thousand other instances, from that accursed division between Christians, of which I think the very Arch-fiend must be xar' ikózny the author. The good Protestants and bad Christians have talked nonsense, and worse than nonsense so long about Popery, and the Beast and Antichrist,. . . . . that the simple, just and Christian measure of establishing the Roman Catholic Church in threefifths of Ireland seems renounced by common consent. The Protestant clergy ought not to have their present revenues in Ireland-so far I agree with Lord Grey-but not on a low economical view of their pay being over-proportioned to their work; but because Church property is one of the most sacred trusts, of which the sovereign power in the Church (i. e. the King and Parliament, not the Bishops and Clergy) is appointed by God trustee. It is a property set apart for the advancement of direct Christian purposes, first by furnishing religious instruction and comfort to the grown up part of the population; next by furnishing the same to the young in the shape of religious education. Now the Christian people of Ireland, i. e. in my sense of the word the Church of Ireland, have a right to have the full benefit of their Church property, which now they cannot have, because Protestant clergymen they will not listen to. I think, then, that it ought to furnish them with Catholic clergymen, and the general local separation of the Catholic and Protestant districts would render this as easy to effect in Ireland as it was in Switzerland, where, after their bloody religious wars of the sixteenth century, certain parishes in some of the Cantons, where the religions were intermixed, were declared Protestant and others Catholic; and, if a man turned Catholic in a Protestant parish, he was to migrate to a Catholic parish, and vice versâ. If

this cannot be done yet, then religious grammar schools, Catholic and Protestant, such as were founded in England so numerously after the Reformation, would be the next best thing; but, whilst Ireland continues in its present low state of knowledge and religion, I cannot think that one penny of its Church property ought to be applied to the merely physical or ordinary objects of government. I have one great principle, which I never lose sight of; to insist strongly on the difference between Christian and nonchristian, and to sink into nothing the differences between Christian and Christian. I am sure that this is in the spirit of the Scriptures: I think it is also most philosophical and liberal; but all the world quarrels either with one half of my principle or with the other, whereas I think they stand and fall together. I know not whether Mr. Spring Rice takes a strong interest in questions concerning education, but I am very anxious-the more so from the confusions prevailing about the nature of the Universitiesthat the Universities should be restored, that is, that the usurpations of the Heads of the colleges should be put down, according to those excellent articles of Sir W. Hamilton's which appeared in the Edinburgh Review some time since. I think that this is even more important than the admission of the Dissenters. And also, if ever the question of National education comes definitely before the government, I am very desirous of their not "centralizing " too much, but availing themselves of the existing machinery, which might be done to a great extent, with very little expense, and none of that interference with private institutions, or even with foundations, of which there is so great, and I think in some respects, a reasonable fear. But I will conclude and release you.

LXXXIV. TO REV. DR. LONGLEY.

Rugby, June 25, 1834.

Though sorry that you did not concur with my views, yet I was not much surprised, being long since used to

find myself in a minority on those matters. Yet I do not see how any man can avoid the impression that Dissent cannot exist much longer in this country, as it does now; either it must be comprehended within the Church, or it will cease in another way, by there being no Establishment left to dissent from. And, as I think that men will never be wise and good enough for the first, so I see every thing tending towards the second; and this fancied reaction in favour of the High Church party seems to me the merest illusion in the world; it is like that phantom, which Minerva sent to Hector to tempt him to his fate, by making him believe that Deiphobus was at hand to help him.

I

Meantime, our little commonwealth here goes on very quietly, and I think satisfactorily. I have happily more power than Lord Grey's government, and neither Radicals to call for more nor Tories to call for less, and so I can reform or forbear at my own discretion. find Westmoreland very convenient in giving me an opportunity of having some of the Sixth Form with me in the holidays; not to read, of course, but to refresh their health when they get knocked up by the work, and to show them mountains and dales; a great point in education, and a great desideratum to those, who only know the central or southern counties of England. I must ask your congratulations on having finished Thucydides, of which the last volume will appear, I hope, in October. I have just completed the Eighth Book, and hope now to set vigorously to work about the Roman History.

LXXXV. TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF DUBLIN.

Rugby, July 2, 1834.

I must write to thank you for your Charge, which delighted me.. It is delightful to read a Charge, without any folly in it, and written so heartily in the spirit of a Christian Episcopacy, for which I have always had a great respect, though not exactly after the fashion