distinguished talents of many of the individuals composing it. Nothing of this kind existed in Italy, where the nobility possesses no influence, but such as arises from the favors it obtains from arbitrary power, or from the attachment of a portion of its body to liberal ideas and to the interests of the people. The nobles of the first-mentioned class would have fallen with the absolute monarchy, which constitutes their only force; and it is not from the latter description that Italians had any thing to fear.

If the Liberals of Piedmont did not all view with pleasure the constitutional system adopted by the Neapolitans, the greater part of them were persuaded that their revolution would become one of those great occasions offered by Providence to oppressed nations, of re-appearing with honor on the arena of politics. Others thought that Italy was not yet prepared for a war of independence. Information, said they, has as yet only reached to certain classes of society; the young, however devoted to their country, can as yet but offer the aid of their physical strength; hereafter, when filling the principal employments in the community, and possessed of property, they will find themselves naturally and effectively at the head of a revolution. That might be all very true; but the first step was taken. The Neapolitans had claimed their rights-they were our brothers; we could not abandon them, without at once failing in our duty and injuring the national honor. There began, however, to detach itself from the great majority of Piedmontese of whom I have spoken above, and who glowed with desire for a war of Italian independence, a set of people who, placing no reliance in the Neapolitans, and judging of the future from the past, were persuaded that their armies would not be able to oppose the slightest resistance. We were more confident; indeed it was not in our nature to foresee the events that have happened.

The differences of opinion among the Piedmontese Liberals on the constitution best suited to their country, did not prevent a sincere union in the endeavours they used to enlighten the King's Government with respect to its situation. An address of the Piedmontese people to the King, and a short pamphlet intitled Duties of the Piedmontese,' were rapidly circulated at Turin; I regret that I cannot give them publicity. It would be seen with what affection they speak of the King and his family; with what truth the internal disorders of the country are therein pourtrayed, and with what indignation the idea of seeing the house of Savoy promote the designs of Austria on Italy is treated. These pamphlets were printed in Naples and in Spain, and showed at once the moderation and energy that were employed amongst us in the expression of public opinion. It was observable that the wish for a free constitution was strongly marked, but that its principles

were set forth in such a manner as to wound none of those opinions by which we were divided. ·

A strong sensation had been produced by the Neapolitan revolution. One and the same desire might be read in every eye; the most sensible people conceived and declared openly, that a revolution could only be prevented by the spontaneous promulgation of a constitution. The Liberals neglected no means of apprising the King of his real situation. He might yet take the lead of public opinion in Piedmont; but there was no time to lose. A single word would have won every heart; but it was necessary that he should declare himself. The King's Council assembled, and discussed the grand question. It was publicly asserted that Victor Emmanuel had said: "If my subjects are really desirous of a constitution, I have no wish but to satisfy them." Our hearts leaped for joy; but, alas! a moment put an end to our hopes. I know not whether any one in the Council raised his voice in behalf of his country; I only know too well, that the result of their deliberations proved that the wishes of the Piedmontese had been either mistaken or despised.

The King, about this time, married his daughter to the Prince of Lucca. On occasion of the marriage festivities which took place at Turin, the Court surrounded itself with an imposing military array, and took precautions which indicated alarm, at the same time that they offended the Piedmontese, who had always been remarkable for their attachment to the King's person, even when they blamed his government. Accordingly the people received the Court with a gloomy silence.

Victor Emmanuel was unaccustomed to such mournful countenances, and must have felt himself chagrined. And possibly this feeling might have given rise to resolutions that would have saved the country. But a bold step was indispensable on our part; it was necessary to destroy the illusions with which the whole Court and many of the ministers had encompassed the King; it was necessary that petitions should pour in from every quarter, conveying to the foot of the throne the real grievances of the nation. Doubtless those who were the first to sign, might have expected to be shut up in a state prison: but the multiplication of such proceedings would have opened the eyes of the prince, and prevented a revolution. The people of property in Piedmont have shown themselves deficient in political courage, and every day furnishes them fresh cause for repentance.

There was no time for delay. The warlike preparations of Austria, the energy of the Neapolitan Parliament, in short every thing concurred in giving an impulse to public opinion. The moment had arrived for pointing out to the Piedmontese army the

line of their duty. A printed proclamation was circulated through all the Piedmontese garrisons, with a rapidity which should have taught the Government that the friends of liberty were numerous and active.

The Neapolitan Parliament having preserved the Spanish Constitution with scarce any alteration, and having indignantly rejected the overtures of the King, which were founded on the principles of the French Charter, the Piedmontese Liberals rallied in great numbers around a constitution which five millions of Italians had sworn to support, and which the Emperor of Austria had sworn to detroy. They would have considered themselves as wanting in their first duty to their country if, from an obstinate attachment to political theories, they had presented to that country the spectacle of Italian Liberals divided among themselves, at a time when unity was the only means of salvation.

There were, however, among the Liberal party those who did not renounce the hope of establishing a more monarchical constitution in Piedmont, up to the moment that the news reached Turin of the Austrians having crossed the Po. It then became the duty of all to unite under one banner. All those in whose bosoms the love of country reigned paramount, all those who could not endure to remain inactive at a moment which was to decide the great question of national independence, met together, and became friends. Never were oaths less necessary to insure fidelity amongst persons acting in confederacy.

Two-parties of Liberals, indeed, refused to enter the same ranks. The first of these parties considered that the oath of the soldier was an obstacle to the indestructible duty of the citizen: they shut their eyes, lest they should see that the honor of the Sovereign in this instance required a great resolution on the part of the army. There are extraordinary circumstances of which we cannot form a judgment but at a certain distance of time, and a man must place himself at that point either by the force of his genius, or of an imagination inflamed with the love of his country. The House of Savoy was about to run the risk, either of obtaining immortal glory together with a great accession of power, or of falling under

Those who have written on our revolution, have affected to repeat that the Piedmontese Noblesse were drawn into it from the allurement of an hereditary peerage. This vulgar accusation bears falsity on the face of it, since all those members of the Noblesse who took an active part in the revolution had joined the party that espoused the Spanish constitution. Some persons, as I have observed, only gave up the English parliamentary system owing to the force of circumstances; but it was precisely those whose position in society must have prevented their aspiring to the peerage-the Count Santa Rosa for instance, who was neither of high birth nor possessed the fortune requisite for that dignity.

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an indirect subjection to Austria, from which she would never find means to set herself free. It unfortunately happened that the Court of Turin, deceived or frightened, adopted the latter course. We should have caused it to change its purpose, in order to save it in spite of itself: the case was one requiring more than ordinary fidelity, it was the sacrifice of feudal distinctions at the shrine of genuine honor.

Others again of the Liberals argued, that though duty to our country might authorise the undertaking, yet reason could not. "It is rash," said they, " and affords no hope of success."

I trust I shall be able successfully to combat this last objection. Having proved that the internal situation of the country justified our designs, it remains for me to show that those designs, though bold, were not rash.

I will begin by observing that an enterprise ought to be attempted with even the slightest chances of success, when much must be lost by remaining inactive. Now it is evident that if Piedmont quietly suffered Naples to be overwhelmed by Austria, the House of Savoy would lose all its influence in Italy, and leave itself completely at the mercy of the Emperor.

Success, I admit, depended principally on an event that was to happen, and which was altogether beyond our control-the resistance of the Neapolitans to Austria. I will not speak of victories; it would scarcely have been reasonable to expect them. But was it extravagant to imagine that a regular army of 50,000 men, supported by 60,000 trained militia, would have resisted the Austrians for some months, and fought some bloody battles, instead of taking to instant flight?

Every thing depended on this. The Piedmontese could have entered Lombardy in eight days after the Revolution with from 20,000 to 25,000 men, followed shortly by the rest of the army, which might easily have been raised to 70,000 by the adjunction of some battalions of national guards. Lombardy was defended by a very small number of Austrians. We should have been in time to take up a position on the Adige, and to invest Mantua, before the arrival of a fresh Imperial army. Ye people of Romagna, of Parma, of Modena, intrepid Brescians, men of Salo and Verona, and you, Milanese, who formerly sent forth powerful armies! is it then to be believed that, on beholding an army of Piedmontese advance amongst you, whilst the Neapolitans bravely defended their soil, you would not have taken up arms?I shall point out by what misfortunes every thing turned against us, and how the chances of a successful resistance were wrested from us.

The occurrence of the 12th January 1821, though foreign to

the Piedmontese revolution, may be regarded as its forerunner. It moreover exposed to view the struggle of the two parties at the head of affairs, and showed which was the strongest; though the King was a stranger to it, from his benevolence.

The students of Turin had created much disturbance at the theatre of Angennes : it was but the turbulence of youth, which it would have been easy to restrain. On the night of the 11th January some of them decked themselves in red caps-an article of dress not uncommon in the provinces adjoining Lombardy, and having no sort of connexion with the events of 1793. The police take the alarm, and the young simpletons are arrested; their comrades surround them, and try to set them at liberty; but the police proves strongest, and they are carried off.

The matter should have rested here: there was nothing to be done but to enforce the existing laws. The University enjoyed privileges, of which, however, only a part of the students could avail themselves: yet several of those who had been taken up, were legally entitled to them. The police thought fit to give éclat to an incident, which was not of a nature to demand it. Absolute governments have all a kind of fondness for punishing without trial, or before trial, and they think they discover in a prison the secret of most things. On the 12th the students arrested the over-night were conducted to two different state-prisons, at a distance from the capital, and a point was made of passing them through Turin with the parade of a numerous escort. Their comrades become incensed; they claim their privileges, and the respect due to their tutelary laws. The Professors endeavour to appease them; but they could not deny the justice or legality of their complaints. In the afternoon the piazzas of the Rue du Pô are seen filled with students. A detachment of Carbineers keeps within the College its numerous pensioners, all young people under 25 years, who might otherwise have given a serious turn to the affair. A second detachment appears in the Rue du Pô, and is saluted with hootings. The Carbineers pass without taking the least notice. This conduct on the part of the public force deceived these hasty young men, who fancied that the government feared them. They take possession of the University, unpave the great Court, intrench themselves in the gateway with benches, and declare they will not separate till they have obtained the liberty of their comrades. Count Balba, the home minister, who was also head of the University, endeavoured to recall the students to reason. He went amongst them; they applauded, but demanded justice of him. He used the language of a fond though strict father; but they insisted on the liberation of the students: the tone of this demand became alarming. Count Balba promised nothing, neither