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duced to invent the stock itself,' and that a distiller can never be dejected,' because he has always proof spirits.' He is quite the Catiline of distillers and loves the danger of fraud for its own sake. • I'd desire no better sport, (he says,) than to hear the whole pack (of excisemen) in full cry after me, and I doubling and doubling, and safe at my form at last, with you, Pat, my precious, to drag the herring over the ground previous to the hunt, to distract the scent and defy the nose of the dogs.

"The Rose aud Shamrock' contains many passages, which will be read with interest by those who are partial to pictures of the ruder classes of Irish society. The interior of an Irish inn, the thoughtless, drunken, yet crafty innkeeper,—the affectation and coquetry of his balf educated daughter,--the active good nature of the servant :-are delineated with no small vivacity. The Scotchnian and the Englishman, who are introduced, are very good and very dull : they are evidently drawn according to an abstract notion which Miss Edgeworth has formed of the respective national characters of England and Scotland, and not from an actual survey of individuals. The plot is meagre and imperfect. On the style we have the same remark to make as on · Love and Law,'— that the dialogue is for the most part, not English, but, if we may use the expression, Anglo-Irish. This, however, we are as far from noting as a fault, as from blaming the Scottish dialect in the Tales of my Landlord.' The coarse violations of grammar, which we condemned in the 'Two Guardians,' by no means stand upon the same footing : for, first, national peculiarities of dialect are essential to a faithful representation of national manners, or at least, add much to its force; whereas the gross vulgarities of the lowest of the rabble can never give a dramatic picture any new power of pleasing; and secondly, it would be absurd to put pure English into the mouth of Catty Rooney, or an Irish boor; but by no means so to make Lady Courtingtou's smart footmen speak with tolerable correctness,

The sketch which we have given of this work and our extracts from it, will probably induce our readers to conclude, that it is a book which may be read with amusement and which yet does not demand great praise. Miss Edgeworth has too much good sense to write ill

, though she has not the peculiar lalent which dramatic composition requires. The rarity of this talent is truly wonderful. We cannot ascribe it to poverty of genius in the present age. In the walks both of science and of imagination we can boast of men, which any country and any period might be proud to claim. Neither can it be attributed to the uninteresting nature of the study: for if any mental employment is its own reward, it must be that of tixing in permanent colours the fleeting follies of mankind. Ls then

the

the comic drama a field where success is scantily recompensed ? Far otherwise : few productions of genius have been more liberally Jewarded than comedies of superior merit. Or shall we say that preceding authors have anticipated us, or that no foibles adapted to the stage remain for us to delineate? Such an opinion would rather be a cause of future sterility than an explanation of that which exists; and might have been maintaived before the time of Murphy, Cumberland, and Sheridan, as plausibly as at this moment. If we can imagine that the few good comedies in the English language have exposed all the laughable frailties of our nature, which could instruct and amuse upon the stage, we must be persuaded that mankind are more exempt from weaknesses than any moralist bas hitherto taught. We have indeed been told that the progress of education, the extensive intercourse of all classes of men with each other, and the general diffusion of wealth, bave removed those peculiarities which comedy delights to trace. Some peculiarities may have been thus removed, but others have been produced : such circumstances may alter outward manners, but cannot diminish the variety of human passions and interests. But this is not a point to be lightiy discussed: and we shall find other opportunities of returning to the subject.

Art. V.-1. Stalements respecting the East India College,

with an Appeal to Facts, in refutation of the Charges lately brought against it in the Court of Proprietors. By the Rev. T. R. Malthus, Professor of History and Political Economy in the East India College, Hertfordshire, and late Fellow of Jesus

College, Cambridge. London: Murray. 1817. 2. Minute of the Marquis Wellesley, relative to the College of

Fort Willium, dated the 18th August, 1800. (Asiatic Register, 1800.) ENGLAND has almost always extended her territorial great

ress beyond her own narrow pale. It might seem as if an imprescriptible privilege had been conferred on us, of possessing a sort of outer-court of dominion, and as if this magnificent birthright had still prevailed over the tempests of buman vicissitude. The loss of the noble provinces which formerly belonged to us on the European continent created a sensible chasin in the magnitude of our possessions. We retreated within our own limits; but this retrogression, if the phrase may be used, of power near homie, was gradually repaired by a corresponding advance on the opposite shore of the Atlantic; and the soil which we were compelled to relinquish in Europe, we more than regained in America. Another

season

season of revolutions snatched from us the greater part even of those acquisitions; but we had already laid broad and deep the foundations of a second supply. While British America shrunk from an empire into a few provinces, British India rapidly expanded from a few provinces into an empire. The glory departed from us in the west only to reappear in the east with increased force and with beightened brilliancy.

• Our empire in India (says a great writer) is an awful thing.' The sentiment was originally uttered in 1793, and certainly has lost none of its force by the lapse of time. The history of conquests contains no chapter more curious than the narrative of the territorial connexion between Great Britain and the East Indies, from the capture of Arcot in 1754 to the present time. It is a sustained and a splendid piece of action. The growth of such power from such beginnings might remind us of a striking legend in Hindoo mythology, where Vishnù, under the disguise of a human form, requests from some great king or rajah the grant of as much land as he can cover, in point of length, by the flight of an arrow. The grant is obtained; but the arrow, when shot, flies to the utmost horizon. With equal humility of commencement, with a similar effect in the sequel, the British were permitted to build a few rude factories in the east; and their sway, in the shape either of avowed supremacy or of irresistible influence, already comprehends an area of Indian territory equal to the proudest kingdoms of Europe. Even now all is not accomplished;--this mighty dominion yet continues in progress :--nor can human sagacity divine its future boundaries, or compute its probable maximum. The bow was drawn by no measurable strength, and the shaft is still Aying

• Stridens et celeres incognita transilit umbras.' The natural effect of acquisition is possession; and possession draws after it innumerable duties. Amidst the crowd of warriors whose names stand emblazoned in the annals of conquest, perhaps only two can be found who have conquered purely for the sake of conquering, and have thrown aside their prizes when they had done-Sesostris and Charles the Twelfth. Such disinterestedness of ambition might befit a fabulous conqueror; and it might befit one whose history has almost realized fable; but, in general, the hunters of mankind, however they may prefer the chase to the game, are yet content to retain the fruits of their achievements, and to wear the spoils which they have been at the trouble of winning. Indeed, it may be thought one instance of that principle of compensation, which the moral world so beautifully exemplifies in a thousand others, that conquerors insensibly contract an interest in the welfare and improvement of that which, by dint of exertion, they have made their own. When once it is appropriated, it acquires

the

the ordinary claims of property on the proprietor; it becomes an object of his solicitude; and falls within that narrow circle in which selfishness itself inculcates the lessons of justice.

How far the acquisitions, warlike or pacific, of the British in the East Indies, can be deemed justifiable, it were irrelevant in this place to inquire. The question is probably a mixed one, requiring much detailed research and much cautious discrimination; and this only forms an additional reason why, on an occasion like the present, the consideration of it should be avoided. Neither is it here necessary to describe at large the nature, or accurately to estimate the weight, of the obligations which the possession of such a dominion entails on the British nation. Still less need we discuss the precise form of government by which those valuable dependencies may best be ruled;-a point long since decided, and, as we are disposed to believe, decided wisely. But there is one question connected with these subjects, to which recent controversy has given peculiar prominence, and on which therefore we would offer a few remarks. The nature of that question is sufficiently indicated by the title of the work which stands foremost at the head of the present Article.

If the British possessions in the east were simply a dependent or subordinate country, subject indeed to the political controul of the ruling state, but free as to the regulation and conduct of their domestic concerns, the question referred to could scarcely arise. In that case, the individuals by whom the affairs of the local government were to be managed would not be derived from England, but, generally speaking, would be persons born and educated in India. Even in colonies properly so called, the task of supplying the great body of the public functionaries required belongs to the colonists themselves. The mother-country moves in a sort of exterior circle of power; while the management of the local administration is almost wholly left to the energies of local wisdom and genius. British India, however, is not a colony; neither would the complex and singular relations which bind it to this kingdom be satisfied by the general appellation of a dependent country. It is a dependency; but one of a very anomalous kind. By the peculiar system of Indian polity which we have established, it is provided that we should govern those regions, not by delegation to a secondary or colonial state, but directly and at first band. The functionaries, to whom the internal administration of Indian affairs is principally confided, are not grown and trained on the spot, but are drawn from the population of the Britannic islands. The vigour and intelligence demanded for the business of government are not left to be furnished by the progressive accumulations of provincial wisdom

and

and genius, but are transported at once from the west. In a word, we have monopolized the Indian market for those commodities.

It must therefore be considered a very serious question in what manner we may best fulfil the trust with which we have thus charged ourselves; a trust in its own nature most sacred, and which surely loses nothing of its sanctity because it has been voluntarily assumed.

The force of these considerations is greatly enhanced by another peculiarity in our Indian system. The European functionaries employed in the administration of Indian affairs are not selected promiscuously from the population of Great Britain, nor even from the higher classes of that population; nor are they chosen out of persons of mature age and whose talents have been satisfactorily tried at home. They are a body formed by annual supplies of thirty or forty youths, sent out ou account of their connexion with the Directors, and at an age little exceeding childhood. Among the members of this body, thus brought together, almost all the powers, privileges and emoluments of Indian offices are shared. By such an arrangement it is obvious that all the excellent effects which the coinplete openness of the political department produces in free countries,---effects luminously visible in our own island, the inspiring influence of generous rivalry—the introduction of talents of late developement- the ultimate success of untamable perseverance--the irresistible irruption of low-boru merit,-are in a considerable degree excluded. True it is that many evils are excluded at the same time; for there seems great reason to believe that the unrestricted entrance of Europeans into India, which is perhaps the only possible alternative, would be a disastrous event for the natives. But let it not be forgotten that we buy off this mass of evils by paying a very heavy composition of inconvenience; and surely it is our duty to lighten and palliate the pressure of the necessary tax by all practicable means. In other words, if the Indian offices in question are to be the perquisites of a privileged few, let us use even extraordinary means that those few may be properly qualified.

These remarks do not decide the specific question respecting the East-India College, which has recently excited so much keen discussion; but they shew its importance. The question has indeed been disposed of in the place where it originated; but we have thought that it would not, for that reason, the less profitably engage the attention of our readers ; since it may be considered as released from the contending influences of local interests, and as submitted to the unclouded review of public opinion. Nor can it be doubted that this is strictly a public question, in virtue of all those admitted

principles

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