undertaken was to recommend a direct tax of $425,000 for military purposes.

Mr. Baldwin was Governor of Michigan for two terms, through the years 1869, '70, '71 and '72. As such he devoted himself earnestly to the public service, and his administration will stand high for well ordered and economical oversight of State affairs. It was Mr. Baldwin that suggested the building of the present State capitol, which was commenced under his auspices, and stands an enduring monument to the wisdom and foresight of those who inaugurated, carried on and completed the work.

During Mr. Baldwin's administration the forest fires broke out and devastated a great part of the Huron peninsula. As chairman of the relief committee his services were invaluable. The amount of money disbursed by him in the relief of the people of that region was $462,000, to which should be added $250,000 worth of clothing contributed by private individuals and 2,000 blankets, 400 overcoats and many other articles furnished, at his solicitation, by the general government. This great work has lent a deserving lustre to his name.

Mr. Baldwin served as United States Senator by appointment of Governor Croswell, from November 17, 1879, to January 19, 1881, on which last named date he was chosen by the Legislature to fill the unexpired term of Zachariah Chandler, which ended March 4, 1881. In this position he gave his best energies to the interests of the State and the nation.

In all the official positions that he filled and throughout his career as a private citizen, he exemplified the christian gentleman, prudent and careful in the discharge of his duties, and manifested the integrity and sterling qualities of a long, honorable and successful business and public life.

Resolved, That in humble submission to the will and the unchangeable laws of the God of love who has taken from us a faithful man, true in all the walks of life, noble in all his endeavors, grand in all his successes, whether as private citizen, as public servant, or as child of a trustful and sustaining hope, we bow with reverence and holy adoration to our Heavenly Father and repeat "Thy will be done;" thus dedicating ourselves anew to the harvest of a life worthy the opportunity and the example set us.

Also the following:

We, the members of the Senate and House of Representatives, having learned of the death of the Honorable Rutherford B. Hayes, ex-President of the United States, and desiring to express our appre

ciation of his life and distinguished services, as well as sorrow at his death do

Resolve, That whether as Congressman, Governor of Ohio, President of the republic, or as a soldier in the field, he performed every trust with fidelity and courage, and in his life and services illustrated a high type of American citizenship, noble in purpose, honest in action, pure in life. With patriotism unquestioned, ever working for the highest and best interests of the people, serving them in time of war, and also doing his duty in times of peace, he has won from them the praise due to good and faithful public servants and leaves this world regretted by all. May his rest be peaceful.

Address on ex-President Hayes-By Hon. James B. Angell, LL. D., President of the University of Michigan.

Dr. Angell spoke as follows:

The new year opened by making sad havoc in the ranks of our distinguished men. In the midst of the joyous festivities of the season, we were startled again and again by the sad tidings that those who had been most eminent in church and in state, in peace and in war, had been stricken down by death. Conspicuous among them were the two men to whom the State of Michigan, through her Legislature, today offers her tribute of affection and respect, Governor Baldwin and President Hayes. As providentially we are called to couple their names in these solemn services, we cannot forget that there were not a few points of similarity in their characters. In their purity of heart and life, in their simplicity and modesty, in their earnest religious faith, in their generosity to the needy, in their unostentatious but faithful discharge of every duty, public and private, they were strikingly alike. Both represented the best type of the American citizen. Their personal relations, while Governor Baldwin was in the senate and Mr. Hayes was President, and perhaps at other periods in their lives, were friendly and, I think somewhat intimate. The younger of the two had reached the span of years allotted by the Psalmist, while the other had passed it, and both had rounded out their lives by a serene old age, filled with noble deeds. While thus Michigan records today her grateful appreciation of the beautiful character and useful career of Governor Baldwin, she may also well do honor to his personal and political friend, in whose nomination and election she was so influential.

The political contests in which President Hayes took part are so far in the past, and his bearing towards his political opponents even in the sharpest of these contests was always so courteous, that we can, I trust, forget all our political differences at this hour in paying a brief tribute to his memory. In no other than this unpartisan

spirit could I undertake to discharge the duty to which you have called me.

The story of the life of Mr. Hayes before he came to the presidency, we can rehearse but briefly. He was of good Vermont stock, than which there is no better. He was born in Delaware, Ohio, in 1822, three months after the death of his father. His mother by her intelligence and wisdom left a deep impress upon him. The family were so provided for that the boy was able to secure his education at school and college and professional school without the hardships that many an American boy has to undergo. He graduated at Kenyon College in 1842, studied law partly in an office at Columbus and partly in the Harvard law school under those renowned teachers, Prof. Greenleaf, and Judge Story. He established himself in practice first at Fremont and afterwards at Cincinnati. He was well started in his profession when the war broke out.

He was one of the earliest volunteers. As he was about to enlist he declared in ringing words of patriotism that thrill us even now as we repeat them, "I would prefer to go into the war if I knew I was to be killed in the course of it rather than to live through and after it without taking any part in it.” He served under Rosecrans in the spirited campaign which secured West Virginia in possession of the government. His regiment was then transferred to the Army of the Potomac. He took an active part in the campaign in Maryland and the Shenandoah Valley, from the battle of Smith Mountain to that of Cedar Creek. He was a most efficient officer, and displayed a signal, at times almost reckless bravery in battle. He bore to his grave the scars of honorable wounds received in this campaign. Though he never sought promotion, he rose to the rank of brigadier general and finally to that of brevet major general.

In 1864, while still in the field, he was nominated to congress. He was urged to come home and take part in the political contest. He declined to do so in these memorable words: "An officer fit for duty, who at this crisis would abandon his post to electioneer for congress ought to be scalped. You may feel perfectly sure I shall do no such thing." He was of course, elected, as the man who could utter such a sentiment deserved to be. He was reëlected in 1866. He was not a speech-making legislator, but was a faithful and wise worker.

He was elected Governor of Ohio in 1867 over Mr. Thurman, again in 1869 over Mr. Pendleton, and a third time in 1874 over Mr. William Allen. He showed excellent judgment in the discharge of the duties of chief executive of the State. In his last gubernatorial campaign, as in one of the preceding campaigns, the chief issues on

which he won, after hard fought contests, were on the problems of reconstruction and on the need of sound money and the honest payment of debts by the national government. His able and successful advocacy of a wise and honorable financial policy in these contests brought his name prominently before the country. It is therefore not surprising that, as the presidential campaign of 1876 drew on, his fellow citizens in Ohio, and not a few in other states, should have turned their eyes to him as a man worthy of the republican nomination. His military record had been most creditable. Though he had not sought civil office, the constituencies in Ohio had twice elected him to congress, and three times to the executive chair of the state. His sterling qualities had won him an exceptional popularity where he was best known. He was nominated for the presi dency on the seventh ballot by the National Republican Convention which met at Cincinnati.

In his letter of acceptance he set forth briefly the views he was thereafter to support so warmly concerning civil service and sound currency and the completion of the work of reconstruction in the south. The spirited campaign between him and Mr. Tilden, the democratic candidate, is fresh in the memory of us all. None have forgotten the solicitude with which we heard on the day after election that the victory was claimed by the leaders of both parties, and that the result was really dependent on the votes in certain southern states, where beyond all question there had been many irregularities and frauds. Excitement was intense. The situation was most critical. Many men felt that at no time in the war was the danger to the republic so great. Were we, it was asked with anxiety, just as we had emerged from our great armed conflict to be plunged again into civil strife, as the Spanish American republics had so often been, to determine who should be president.

But the good sense and statesmanship and moderation of leaders in both parties sustained by the patriotic self-control of the people, provided a way of escape. An electoral commission made up of members of both houses of congress and justices of the supreme court and representing both parties, was entrusted by a large majority in both houses with the power of determining who was elected. That body found by a vote of eight to seven that Mr. Hayes was elected by a majority of one electoral vote. When one remembers the tension of feeling with which the decision of the commission was awaited, it is not surprising that some who were disappointed permitted themselves to use bitter language in condemnation of its action. But in view of the criticisms which were freely made upon Mr. Hayes for accepting the presidency in these circum

stances, it is proper to recall the fact that the proposition to leave the decision of the question in dispute to the commission was supported in both houses by a majority of the party opposed to him. They were therefore in reason estopped from complaints against Mr. Hayes for accepting the decision reached by a method of their own choice.

Whatever criticism any one may feel called to make on the members of the commission for their action-and perhaps upon that unanimity of opinion could hardly be expected, no one pretended that Governor Hayes had ever done aught by word or deed to influence their action, and therefore there was no course left for him but to enter on the duties of the office to which he had been legally called. For him to decline, as some say he ought to have done, was to place a man in the executive chair, who, the commission declared, had received only a minority of the electoral votes. Never were duties clearer than the duty of Gov. Hayes to accept the position, and the duty of President Grant to see that he was duly inaugurated. Each was true to his duty, and the nation passed its great crisis in safety. Unquestionably, however, the belief on the part of many that there was a cloud on Gen. Hayes' title to the presidency was a source of embarrassment to him in office, and the cause of many disparaging judgments of his administration. In his inaugural message he made an emphatic declaration in favor of permitting self government in the south, and of guarding the rights of both the white race and the colored. He urged the maintenance of free education by the southern states, and recommended the aid of them, if necessary by the federal government in the support of schools. He warmly argued against the spoils system in the distribution of offices, and in favor of an efficient civil service system. He suggested a single term of six years for the president in order that that officer might be freed from the temptation to use his appointing power so as to secure his own renomination rather than the public good, and announced his firm purpose not to accept a renomination. He reiterated the doctrines he had so vigorously advocated in his gubernatorial campaigns in Ohio in favor of a good currency and of an early return to specie payments. These are the views to which he adhered through his whole term, even when they failed to find favor with Congress.

In support of his ideas on civil service, we find him in the June after his inaugural issuing an executive order "that no officer should be required or permitted to take part in organizations, caucuses or campaigns, and no assessment for political purposes on officers or subordinates, should be allowed." This order was made applicable to