plunder and piracy. He preferved the dominions which were left him, and added fome to them; was very fuccessful against the English, &c. He died in 1745, leaving no children, and was fucceeded by his brother the prefent Tulagee Angria.

Tulagee Angria is now near 40 years of age, about 5 feet 10 inches in height, of an olive complection, and wears a verymartial afpect. He has taken more coafting veffels of the Englih, and others, than either of his predeceffors. No attack has been made upon him, till the late fortunate expedition of Admiral Watfon; for, as to Barnet, Peyton, and Griffin, they had either other more important commands, or no opportunity of attacking him whilst they were upon the coast of India.

His territories extended from Bombay to Manlo, to the fouth, a fea-port about 120 miles from it, and they spread inland near 76 miles. He had the ports of Zivanchi, Antiguria, Dabul, and South Rook, befides his iflands of Kaneray and Hanaray, and his forts of Allabeg, in which he chiefly refided, and Golaby. Thefe places were well peopled, and the inhabitants were quite fubmiffive to their fovereign; but have had little traffick fince thefe piratical Rajas have prefided over them. He generally kept up an army of 30,000 Caffrees, Sepoys, and Topaffes, and as many Morattes as he could feduce from their allegiance to the South Raja, their fovereign. His gunners and fea-officers were moftly renegado Europeans; he had a large train of artillery, besides the cannon of his forts and shipping, and 12 elephants, an article of great importance among Indians in their wars.

The naval force of Tulagee Angria confifted of about 15 grabs, which carried fix and nine pounders, and a great num. ber of men at fmall arms; five ketches, two fhips of 40 guns, and about 40 galleywats, and other small craft.

The South Raiah and Angria having quarrelled, the former fent laft winter to Bombay, to defire the English would join him to defroy Angria; which the English promifed to do. In October 1755, therefore, Admiral Watfon came to Bombay. On February 6, 1756, a council was held there, and the same day the land-forces embarked, confifting of 700 European foldiers, 300 Topales, or black foot foldiers, and 300 Seapoys, under the command of the gallant Colonel Clive. On the 7th, the fqua

dron

dron fet fail from Bombay, and joined the Moratta fleet, consisting of three or four grabs, and 40 or 50 galleywats, commanded by Narypunt, in a creek to the northward of Geriah, called Rajipour, the small port, which they had just taken from Angria. On the shore lay encamped the Moratta army, confifting of 5000 foot and 4000 horse, under Ramajeepunt. Here we understood that Angria had been treating to surrender the fort to the Morattes, upon certain private ftipulations; for endeavouring to go by land from Geriah to Golaby, he was taken by a detachment of their army, and was now prisoner amongst them, having left his brother-in-law in the command of the fort.

When the admiral arrived off the harbour, on the 11th, he fummoned the caftle to furrender; but was answered, they would defend it to the utmoft, and having great reason to sufpect the Morattes defigned to practise some treachery, they not having yet offered him any affiftance, he ftood into the harbour in the afternoon of the 12th. The fort fired on us brifkly for about half an hour; but the inceffant fire from our fhips, and the number of shells that were thrown from the bomb-ketches, not only leffened their fire, but destroyed the houses at the fame time. At four o'clock the fignal was made to ceafe firing, which raised the spirits of the enemy, and encouraged them to renew their cannonade. On this the boody flag was hung out, and we continued firing till fix o'clock, at which time a flag of truce was fent on-fhore, expecting the garrifon would furrender. At nine o'clock our troops landed, a mile and a half from the fort, and were joined by near 10,000 Morattes. In the morning, feeing the flag of truce hung over the walls, we marched. towards the garrison; but as foon as we were got to the bottom of the hill near the fort, they fired upon us, though they did no other execution than killing one man, and wounding an officer in the fhoulder, on which we retreated to our former ground. Colonel Clive then went on-board the admiral to acquaint him with the enemy's firing after the flag of truce was hung out, and to concert measures for another attack. On this a fignal was hung out for the line of battle ships only, and the bomb-ketches to renew their fire, which was continued with fuch good fuccefs for three hours, that the enemy capitulated;

upon

upon which a company of our foldiers took poffeffion of it, and hoifted the British flag on the ramparts: but in doing this, they were obliged to diftinguifh themfelves like Britons: for when the fort was furrendered, the Morattes attempted to take poffeffion of it before us, which had they done, a very small part of the plunder would have fallen to our lot; and this they would have effected but for the gallant behaviour of Captain Forbes, who commanded the company fent to take poffeffion of the fort: he drew his broad fword, made his men face to the right-about, and fwore by his maker, that he would cut the Moratta general's head off, if he offered to advance a step further; which fo terrified him and his men, that, without further moleftation, he left Captain Forbes to take poffeffion of the fort.

The enemy's lofs must be very confiderable; but in our fleet we had not above 20 killed and wounded. In the fort were 250 iron and brafs cannon of all fizes, and a prodigious quantity of ammunition and provifions, of rich goods, and fome money. The garrifon confifted of about 300, tho' there were near 2000 in the fort, and Angria's mother, two wives, two children, and brother-in-law, are among the prifoners, who have been treated by the Admiral with his wonted generofity and humanity. In filver rupees we have found about 100,000/ and in other effects near 30,000l. but we are fearching in expectation of a great deal more, fo that I hope we shall share very confiderably in the plunder of this notorious pirate. We releafed eight English, two Scotch, and three Dutchmen, from imprisonment in Geriah, who had been taken in feveral veffels by Angria.

We cannot conclude this article without obferving that fortune, courage, and conduct, mutually confpired to render this expedition fuccessful, and enabled thofe excellent officers Watfon and Clive to perform that which Boone and Matthews had in vain attempted. Nor can the behaviour of the gallant Captain Forbes be fufficiently admired, it being no less true than aftonishing, that the refolution and bravery of a fingle man ftruck terror into the hearts, and defeated the intentions of no lefs than ten thousand.

ART.

ART. VIII. The true national evil: or, cowardice the cry; but corruption the grievance. A Sermon preached at the Temple church, London. 8vo, Pr. 6d. Cooper.

HE Sermon, or political pamphlet before us, (for it

THE

may be rank'd with equal propriety in either clafs) contains fome fevere, though juft, reflections on the corruption. and depravity of the age, It is faid to have been preach'd at the Temple Church, but as we are not inform'd at what time or by whom, we cannot be fure that it was ever deliver'd from the pulpit at all; the discourse however is well written, and we heartily wish it may be attended with the salutary effects which it seems meant to promote.

The author has chosen for his text these words from the 7th chapter of Jofbua; There is an accursed thing in the midft of thee, O Ifrael. He applies the cafe of the Ifraelites as defcrib'd in the preceding verses to our own, and draws the parallel from these particulars.

First (fays he) as the Ifraelites were engaged in a war; fo are we, • Secondly, that as they were ignominiously routed and put to flight; fo we feem to have been.

Thirdly, That as there was in the midst of them, fo there is in the midst of us, an accurfed thing,'

He concludes, that as the Ifraelites were not, so neither shall we be able to stand before our enemies till the accursed thing is taken away from us, He then proceeds to prove the parallel, and at the fame time to point out the circumstances in which the two cafes effentially differ. In treating his fecond head, he obferves, that it cannot be faid with truth or propriety that we in like manner with the Ifraelities have timidly turned our backs upon the enemy. Joshua's warriors (fays he) were all feized with the fame panic: whereas only one of ours is accused of timidity; and, with respect to that one, our politicians are much divided in their fentiments. If fome will have it that he filed from the foe, for fear of being hurt himself, others are as firmly perfuaded that he retreated with the fleet, for fear of hurting the enemy. That we fled, feems to be the general opinion. If it was in fact fo, then that our flight was ignominous cannot be doubted whether timidity or treachery, or what else gave us

wings, remains to be decided by proper judges, to whose decifion let us leave it; only wishing that if beneath this ugly face of cowardice fhould lurk a far uglier thing, a perfidious heart; if instead of having been bafely intimidated by, we have been more bafely betrayed to, the enemy, the treacherous fcene, be it laid ever fo deep, may be dragged out of darknefs into open day, and the traitor, ftand he ever fo high, may receive the juft reward of his iniquity.

When our author comes to his last head, he observes, that the parallel is very close indeed, and that we may without violence or injury to any, fay, there is an accursed thing in the midst of thee, O Britons, and this accursed thing can be nothing but corruption. Which is not confined, indeed, as in the cafe of Achan, but runs through every tribe, family, and houshold. We are become a most venal and mercenary people, that there is little or no public virtue left amongst us→ that selfish regards have fwallowed up all true social affection— that each looks his own way, for his gain from his quarter, and is ftudious to ferve his own at the expence of the common interest-that bribery, which heretofore modeftly waited for the twilight, and disguised itself, faying, no eye fhall fee me, now impudently ftalks about barefaced, and at noon-day, daring fometimes to be feen, even in the place where it hath been profcribed, and a price fet upon its head-and, in fhort, that corruption hath taken such deep root in our political body, as to have almoft ruin'd the best constitution in the world.

Our flag feems to have become the jeft and fcorn of those nations which heretofore it kept in awe and, in fhort, the war we are engaged in, as well by land as by fea, at present wears a very difcouraging afpect, and deferves our moft ferious attention. And however we may guess at the more immediate occafion of it, or impute it to this man's cowardice, or that man's treachery, or to want of capacity in one, or of care in another, and what not? if we trace this, and all other the maladies, under which our nation hath for a series of years laboured and languifhed, to the fpring-head, we fhall probably find they have all one and the fame fource, all flow from the bitter and unwholfome fountain of corruption.

The