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fty's conduct, from the false imputá 10% of the court of Saxony.

The last is a memorial setting forth the cos act of the courts of Vienna and Saxony towards the King of Prussia, and their dangerous designs against him. To these are subjoined copies of the original documents in proof of the allegations of his

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ce, the Prussian minister at the Hague declares the name 'w his master, that he has been unjustly calumniated by the court of Saxony, which he affirms was the aggressor, in forming designs with the court of Vienna, for dispofTesling him of Silesia, and even for the destruction of his whole power. He aff s they had gone so far as to negotiate an eventual partitior his majesty's dominions; and that the Saxon ministers had hed neither malicious insinuations, not even the most Atrocio calumnes, in order to alienate all the world from his majesty, and to raise up enemies against him every where. He could not

therefore avoid having recourse to the only means which 2. him to prevent inevitable ruin, by putting it out of

is of the court of Saxony, 'till a future peace, to increase the number of his enemies. He says he has acted with all poffible moderation. The country of Saxony enjoys peace and serenity: his troops observe the most exact discipline, and all imaginable respect is shewed to the queen of Poland : hę profefles great friendship and esteem for his Polish majesty, and declares that the Germanic body has nothing to fear from his designs.

With all due deference and veneration for the great abilities and personal character of this illustrious prince, our new ally, we cannot help thinking that his justification ought to have been a little more convincing. The secret separate article of the treaty of Petersbourg, concluded in the year 1746, between the czarina and the empress queen of Hungary, which is produced as a proof of a settled design against the Pruffian dominions, appears to be no more than a precaution againft the enterprizes of his Prr:firn majesty ; for it expressly declares, • That her ma"jelly the enprefs queen of Hungary and Bohemia, shall with

the tricicit care and attention and the inost inviolable fidelis s y observe the peace of Drefilen, concluded in 1745: but, if


contrary to the expectation and with of the contracting parties, • his majesty the ki nf Prufia should first depart from the said 'peace; whethe

noftilely attacking the empress queen ! of Hungary an ohemia, or her heirs and succeflors, or her « imperial majesty of all the Ruffas, or even the republic of Poland, then the empress queen's right to the said part of Silefra and county of Glatz, yielded up by the above-mentioned

peace, should again take place and re-acquire th j filli rce and vigour.'-In such a case the allies agreed te agama. the aggressor, and the elector of Saxony, being in ud to aces to this treaty, ftipulated an eventual partition of the conquette they might make. . We apprehend this is no more than a defensive alliance, in which any power at any time has a right to engage for its own safety; and that some such


aution was not only excusable but even indispenfible in the ne fourhood of an enterprizing prince at the head of one , dred and forty thousand disciplined soldiers ; a prince w! ; motions are sudden, whose arms are almost irresistible, and from whose sword some of the contracting parties still severely, Imarted. His Prufian majesty is too well ar with the law of nature and nations, to deny that a

'903 i righa not only to repel force by force, but also to obtu. Idemnification for the damages it might have received : nay, it has even a natural right to disable a turbulent enemy from taking any effectual steps for its annoyance. This being the case, we apprehend there is nothing extraordinary or unjust in the eventual partition, against which he so loudly exclaims ; for the express proviso upon which this article is founded, is his own infraction of the treaty of Dresden. Neither do we think he had any reason to be alarmed by the military preparations of the empress queen, on the apparent eve of a general war in. Europe, and at a time when he himself had such a formidable army on foot.

The law of nature and nations will justify a prince who for his own preservation takes poffeffion of a neutral country, in order to anticipate the designs, of a powerful enemy : but what law. will authorise him to live at discretion and raise contributions in that country? or even to expel the sovereign of it from his dorpinions; and deprive him of the troops raised for the de


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fence of his perfon and authority. That the Saxons should enjoy as much security and tranquillity, as if they were at peace with all the world, while the Pruffian army is in the bowels of the electorate, is indeed a very remarkable instance of the Pruffan-discipline, which we hope to see testified by the people themselves. We know not what confidence the Saxons may have in the integrity and friendship of his Pruffian majesty s but we should be apt to think, that such a visit would, in fome degree, disconcert their good humour, interrupt their commerce, and give a small shock to their public credit. The respect which has been paid to the person of the queen of Poland, is, to be fure, a convincing proof of the invader's gatlantry and greatness of mind. It was by dint of the most fuitable representations only, that she was prevailed upon to fuffer some papers to be taken out of the State-paper-office at Dresden. Thofe reprefentations were doubtless very cogent, and this circumstance puts us in mind of a scene in the play, called The Beaux's Stratagem, which the reader will excuse us for not particularising.

In the second piece, which is an answer to the imperial de free of commiffion at the diet of Ratisbon; and to that of the aulic council, his Prufian majesty uses the same argumento which we have already discussed.: He complains that the dew. crte was calculated to excite all the other members of the em pirê against him: a prince who has given fuch fingular proofs: of moderation, justice and humanity! he was informed by: good hands that the court of Saxony did intend to let the Pruf fan army pafs quietly through their country ; but at the same time proposed, as soon as his majesty's troops thould have see foot in Silesia or Behemia, to march their army into the heart of the king's dominions, and to inake sure beforehand of those countries which they had thought proper to inakochoice of as their share of the spoil.-It was God's mercy and particular provie dence that this intention was discovered, and that too by good hands : because the court of Dresden is so hardy as to deny the charge. Náy, this is likewise the case with the empress queen: his Pruffian majesty affirms and fhe denies; and if we were not so fully convinced of that prince's virtue, generosity, and disinterested difpofition, we might be apt to say Cur enim potius


* credam Hippocrati quam Hieraphilo.. The king's humanity is ftill further manifested by the compaffion he expreffes for the: calamitous situation of his Polih majesty, his next neighbour: and dear friend. What pain, what anxiety, what. agony, it! muft have produced in the bofom of this tender-hearted mori narch, to be under the neceflity of driving Augustus out of his own country! he must also buwwe felt feverely for the distress of: the unhappy queen of Poland. We hope the illustrious conqueror will not suffer in his health from the humanity of hisa affections.

The king of Pruffia protests that if the empresa queen-had. given him the afurance he so earnestly desired; viz. that he should not be attacked neither during the present year, or, in , the course of the next; he would have been entirely satisfied in but this it seems was evaded. Surely this was a small favour. She could not at any rate attack him without infringing the: treaty subsisting between her and his majesty ; and therefore the might have amused him with such a declaration, seeing there. would have been no greater crime in breaking à verbal promise, than in acting contrary to the more folemn engagements of a treaty. But let us see what answer she actually made, when the Pruffian enyoy Klingraff, demanded, in the name of the king his master, the tendency of the armaments and the military preparations making by the court of Vienna, and whether they might not, perhaps, concern the king of Prussia ? The empress replied, "That in the violent general crisis of affairs in, Europe, her duty and the dignity of ber crown required her. to take fufficient measures for her own security, as well as for.

the safety of her friends and allies.' This was doubtless an. evalive answer : but we apprehend the king of Pruffia might have demanded and obtained an explanation, before he had invaded her dominions without any previous declaration of war. It appears from a letter of count Fleming to the count de Brubl that the intention of the empress queen was to avoid explanations ; but if his. Pruffian majesty had demanded a categorical an(wer, perhaps she might have been more explicit. At any rate, we apprehend the law of nations suggests and requires such a demand, previous to any act of hoftility.


This piece is concluded with his Prussian majesty's protein against every thing contained in the commissorial decrèe above-mentioned, that is injurious to his person. He reserves to himself his rights and liberties, as well as the just satisfaction which a crowned head, and an eminent elector of the empire, is entitled to demand, according to the law of nations, and the fundamental constitutions of the empire, from a council which has shewn fo little regard for his dignity, at the dieč of Ratibonne.

In the third piece, the king of Prussia endeavours to vindicate his conduct from the imputations of the court of Saxony; by reminding the public of his generosity to Augustus at the peace of Dresden; by taxing the count de Brubl the Saxon minister, with having endeavoured to blacken the character of his Pruffian majesty by the most malicious tricks and infifuations, as well as of having treated of his master's acceffion to the treaty of Petersburg ; à measure to which the court of Dresden had agreed on certain conditions. The king of Prufksa first got scent of this scheme in an intercepted letter from count Rutowki to marshal Browne. He afterwards learned that count Flemming's negotiation at Vienna pointed to the same object. Thus alarmed, the king made à friendly visit into Saxony with seventy thousand attendants; there he was confirmed in his conje&tures by the large magazines provided in. that country. But what led him into the heart of their design, was a road lately cut through the mountains of Bobemnia, marked at certain distances with posts, bearing this rè-' markable inscription, the military road.' Those posts are so • many speaking proofs of the concert which has been long since e formed between the courts of l’ienna and Saxony, and are but • too strong a juftification of the reasons the king had to pre• vent the effects of it.'-- Though we cannot conceive how those Saxon posts should be speaking proofs, we must own they are standing and stubborn facts, and ferve to demonstrate that thete was actually an intention to travel that way; but this is the fitft time we ever heard an high toad enumerated among the secrets of state. The count de Brubl must be a iare politician if he has the art of concealing a military road i bu cabinet. It is a stratagem at least equal to that of the 5


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