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ity's conduct, from the false imputá 26% of the court of Saxony.
The last is a memorial setting forth the cos: úct of the courts of Vienna and Saxony towards the King of Prussia, and their dangerous designs against him. To these are subjoined copies of the original documents in proof of the allegations of his Pret sty. s 'n the ti "ce, the Prussian minister at the Hague declares
e name 'or his master, that he has been unjustly calumniated by the court of Saxony, which he affirms was the aggressor, in forming designs with the court of Vienna, for difpofleffing him of Silesia, and even for the destruction of his whole power. He affi 's they had gone so far as to negotiate an eventual partitior his majesty's dominions; and that the Saxon ministers had at led neither malicious insinuations, nor even the most atrocio calumnes, in order to alienate all the world from his majesty, and to raise up enemies against him every where. He could not herefore avoid having recourse to the only means which ** him to prevent inevitable ruin, by putting it out of ." 247 of the court of Saxony, 'till a future peace, to increase the number of his enemies. He says he has acted with all possible moderation. The country of Saxony enjoya peace and serenity: his troops observe the most exact discipline, and all imaginable respect is shewed to the queen of Poland : hę profesles great friendship and esteem for his Poliin majesty, and declares that the Germanic body has nothing to fear from hia designs.
With all due deference and veneration for the great abilities and personal character of this illustrious prince, our new ally, we cannot help thinking that his justification ought to have been a Jittle more convincing. The secret separate article of the treaty of Petersbourg, concluded in the year 1746, between the czarina and the empress queen of Hungary, which is produced as a proof of a settled design against the Pruflian dominions, appears to be no more than a precaution against the enterprizes of his Prutan majesty ; for it expressly declares, That her ma"jelly the cnrprefs queen of Hungary and Bohemia, fhall with • the strictcit care and attention and the inost inviolable fideli's y observe the peace of Drofilen, concluded in 1745: but, if
. contrary to the expectation and with of the contracting parties, • his majesty the k: mf Prussia should first depart from the faid "peace; whethe · noftilely attacking the empress queen
of Hungary an ohemia, or her heirs and succeffors, or her « imperial majesty of all the Ruffas, or even the republic of • Poland, then the empress queen's right to the said part of Silefia and county of Glatz, yielded up by the above-mentioned peace, should again take place and re-acquire th-;fiulli mce and vigour.?-In such a case the allies agreed este agane the aggressor, and the elector of Saxony, being in, ed to arça to this treaty, ftipulated an eventual partition of the conquetus they might make.. We apprehend this is no more than a defensive alliance, in which any power at any time has a right to engage for its own safety ; and that some such pi aution was not only excusable but even indispensible in the nestourhood of an enterprizing prince at the head of one; dred and forty thousand disciplined soldiers ; a prince w! i motions are sudden, whose arms are almost irresistible, and from whose sword some of the contracting parties still severely Smarted. His Pruffian majesty is too well ar . . with the law of nature and nations, to deny that a woi right not only to repel force by force, but also to obtu... ldemnifi-. cation for the damages it might have received : nay, it has even a natural right to disable a turbulent enemy from taking any effectual steps for its annoyance. This being the case, we apprehend there is nothing extraordinary or unjust in the eventual partition, against which he so loudly exclaims ; for the express proviso upon which this article is founded, is his own infraction of the treaty of Drefden. Neither do we think he had any reason to be alarmed by the military preparations of the empress queen, on the apparent eve of a general war in. Europe, and at a time when he himself had such a formidable army on foot. '
The law of nature and nations will justify a prince who for his own preservation takes poffeffion of a neutral country, in order to anticipate the designs, of a powerful enemy : but what law. will authorise him to live at discretion and raise contributions in that country? or even to expel the sovereign of it from his dominions; and deprive him of the troops raised for the de
fence of his perfon and authority. That the Saxons thould enjoy as much security and tranquillity, as if they were at peace with all the world, while the Pruffian army is in the bowels of the electorate, is indeed a very remarkable instance of the Pruffian-discipline, which we hope to see testified by the people themselves. We know not what confidence the Saxons may have in the integrity and friendship of his Pruffian majesty s but we thould be apt to think, that such a visit would, in fome degree, disconcert their good humour, interrupt their commerce, and give a small shock to their public credit. The refpect which has been paid to the person of the queen of Poland, is, to be fure, a convincing proof of the invader's gallantry and greatness of mind. It was by dint of the most fuitable representations only, that she was prevailed upon to fuffer some papers to be taken out of the state-paper-office at Dresden. Thofe representations were doubtless very cogent, and this circumstance puts us in mind of a scene in the play, called The Beaux's Stratagem; which the reader will excuse us for not particularising.
In the second piece, which is an answer to the imperial de free of commiffion at the diet of Ratisbon; and to that of the aulic council, his Pruffian majesty uses the same arguments which we have already discussed. : He complains that the des. crte was calculated to excite all the other members of the em piré against him': a prince who has given fuch fingular proofs: of moderation, justice and humanity! he was informed by good hands that the court of Saxony did intend to let the Pruf fan army pass quietly through their country ; but at the fanie time proposed, as soon as his majesty's troops thould have fer foot in Silesia or Bohemia, to march their army into the heart of the king's dominions, and to make sure beforehand of those countries which they had thought proper to makechoice of as their share of the spoil.-It was God's mercy and particular provie dence that this intention was discovered, and that too by good hands : because the court of Dresden is so hardy as to deny the charge. Náy, this is likewise the case with the empress queen: his Pruffian majesty affirms and the denies; and if we were not so fully convinced of that prince's virtue, generosity, and disinterested disposition, we might be apt to say · Cur enim potius
* credam Hippocrati quam Hierophilo.” The king's humanity is. still further manifested by the compaffion he expreffes for the: calamitous situation of his Polish majesty, his next neighbour: and dear friend. What pain, what anxiety, what, agony, its must have produced in the bofom of this tender-hearted moni narch, to be under the neceflity of driving Augustus out of his own country! he must also have felt severely for the distress of: the unhappy queen of Poland. We hope the illustrious conqueror will not suffer in his health from the humanity of his affections.... . . . .
. . ." The king of Pruffia protests that if the empress queen-had. given him the assurance he so earnestly desired; viz.. that he should not be attacked neither during the present year, or, in the course of the next; he would have been entirely satisfied as but this it seems was evaded, Surely this was a small favour. She could not at any rate attack him without infringing the: treaty subsisting between her and his majesty ; and therefore the; might have amused him with such a declaration, seeing there. would have been no greater crime in breaking a verbal promise, than in acting contrary to the more folemn engagements of a treaty...But let, us fee what answer she actually made, when the Pruffian enyoy Klingraff, demanded, in the name of the king his master, the tendency of the armaments and the mi-. litary preparations making by the court of Vienna, and whether they might not, perhaps, concern the king of Prussia ? The empress replied, “That in the violent general crisis of affairs in • Europe, her duty and the dignity of ber crown required her, 6, to take fufficient measures for her own security, as well as for.
the safety of her friends and allies.'. This was doubtless an evasive answer : but we apprehend the king of Prussia might have demanded and obtained an explanation, before he had in. vaded her dominions without any previous declaration of war. It appears from a letter of count Fleming to the count de Bruhl, that the intention of the empress queen was to avoid explanations ; but if his. Pruffian majesty had demanded a categorical an(wer, perhaps she might have been more explicit. At any rate, we apprehend the law of nations suggests and requires such a demand, previous to any act of hoftility.
This piece is concluded with his Prusian majesty's protect againft every thing contained in the commifforial decrèe above-mentioned, that is injurious to his person. He reserves to himself his rights and liberties, as well as the just satisfaction which a crowned kead, and an eminent eléctor of the empire, is entitled to demand, according to the law of nations, and the fundamental constitutions of the empire, from a coun. cil which has shewn so little regard for his dignity, at the dieč of Ratisbonne.
In the third piece, the king of Prussia endeavours to vina dicate his conduct from the imputations of the court of Saxony; by reminding the public of his generosity to Augustus at the peace of Dresden ; by taxing the count de Bruhl the Saxon minister, with having endeavoured to blacken the character of his Pruffian majesty by the most malicious tricks and infifruations, as well as of having treated of his master's acceffion to the treaty of Petersburg ; à measure to which the court of Dresden had agreed on certain conditions. ' The king of Prufs: ka first got scent of this scheme in an intercepted letter from count Rutowski to marshal Bröcune. He afterwards learned that count Flemming's negotiation at Vienna pointed to the fainë object. Thus alarmed, the king made à friendly visit into Saxony with seventy thousand attendants ; there he was confirmed in his conjectures by the large magazines provided in. shat country. But what led him into the heart of their design, was a road lately cut through the mountains of Bobemia, marked at certain distances with posts, 'bearing this rè-' markable inscription, the military road.' Those posts are so "many speaking proofs of the concert which has been long since
formed between the courts of l’ienna and Saxony, and are but • too strong a justification of the reasons the king had to pre• vent the effects of it:'-- Though we cannot conceive how those Saxon polts should be speaking proofs, we must own they are standing and stubborn facts, and ferve to demonstrate that thete was actually an intention to travel that way; but this is the firft time we ever heard an high toad enumerated among the secrets of state. The count de Brubl muft be a tare politician if he has the art of concealing a military road in his cabinet. It is a stratagem at least equal to that of the