was the reduction of Carical, Chellambrum, and Verdachellum, by a strong detachment under major Monson; while colonel Coote reduced Permacoil, Almamverpa, and Waldour. He was thus at last enabled to lay siege to Pondicherry itself; and the place capitulated on the 15th of January, 1761, by which an end was put to the power of the French in this part of the world.

6. Of the British wars with the native powers, to the appointment of lord Clive as governor of Bengal. While the British were thus employed Meer Jaffier, the nabob of Bengal, who had been raised to that dignity by the ruin of Surajah Dowla, found himself in a very disagreable situation. The treasure of the late nabob had been valued at sixty-four crore of rupees (about £80,000,000 sterling), and in expectation of this sum, Meer Jaffier had submitted to the exactions of the English. On his accession to the government, however, the treasure of which he became master fell so much short of expectation, that he could not fulfil his engagements to them, and was reduced to the extremity of mortgaging his revenues. In this dilemma his grandees became factious and discontented, his army mutinous for want of pay, and himself odious to his subjects. The English themselves, who had raised him to supreme power, also brought a variety of charges against him. On the 13th of June, 1760, Mr. Holwell wrote from Calcutta to Mr. Warren Hastings, that he had received, by express, intelligence of the murder of the princesses of Aliverdy Khan and Shah Ahmet in a most inhuman manner, by Meer Jaffier's orders. In like manner we are told that many others of Surajah Dowla's relations had perished; yet when it was thought proper to replace Meer Jaffier, in 1761, all these dead persons were found alive excepting two. It must also be remembered, in behalf of the unfortunate nabob, that, besides the sums exacted of him by the English at his accession, he had ceded to them a large extent of territory, and granted them so many immunities in trade, that he had in a manner deprived himself of all his resources. There were accounts of this remarkable revolution published at the time materially differing from one another. Our troops according to each of them took possession of the palace; Meer Cossim was raised to the musnud; and the old nabob hurried into a boat, with a few of his domestics and necessaries, and sent away to Calcutta in a manner wholly unworthy of the high .ank he so lately held. The servants of the company, who were the projectors of the revolution, made no secret that there was a present promised them of twenty lacks of rupees from Cossim, who was desirous of making the first act of his power the assassination of Jaffier, and was very much displeased when he found that the English intended giving him protection at Cal

cutta.

It could scarcely be supposed that Meer Cossim, raised to the nabobship in this manner, would be more faithful to the English than Meer Jaffier had been. Nothing advantageous to the interests of the company could indeed be reasonably expected from such a revolution. No successor of Meer Jaffier could be more entirely in subjection than the late nabob, from his natural

imbecility, had been. This last consideration had induced many of the council at first to oppose the revolution; and indeed the only plausible pretence for it was, that the administration of Meer Jaffier was so very weak, that, unless he was aided and even controlled by some persons of ability, he himself must soon be ruined, and very probably the interests of the company along with him. Meer Cossim, however, was a man of a very different disposition from his father-inlaw. As he knew that he had not been served by the English out of friendship, so he did not think of making any return out of gratitude; but, instead of this, considered only how he could most easily break with such troublesome allies. For a while, however, it was necessary for him to take all the advantage he could of his alliance with them. By their assistance he cleared his dominions of invaders, and strengthened his frontiers, and he reduced the rajahs who had rebelled against his predecessor, obliging them to pay the usual tribute; by which means he repaired his finances, and thereby secured the fidelity of his troops. Having thus, by the assistance of the English, brought his government into subjection, he took the most effectual means of securing himself against their power. As the vicinity of his capital, Muxadabud, to Calcutta, gave the English factory there an opportunity of inspecting his actions, and interrupting his designs when they thought proper, he took up his residence at Mongheer, a place 200 miles farther up the Ganges, which he fortified in the best and most expeditious manner. Sensible of the advantages of the European discipline, he now resolved to new-model his army. For this purpose he collected all the Armenian, Persian, Tartar, and other soldiers of fortune, whose military characters might serve to raise the spirits of his Indian forces, and abate their natural timidity. He also collected all the wandering Europeans who had borne arms, and the sepoys who had been dismissed from the English service, and distributed them among his troops. He changed the fashion of the Indian muskets from matchlocks to firelocks; and, as their cannon were almost as deficient as their small arms, he procured a pattern of one from the English, by which he soon formed a train of artillery: having thus done every thing in his power to enable himself to withstand the English by force of arms, he resolved also to free his court from their emissaries, by imprisoning or putting to death every person of any consequence in his dominions who had shown any attachment to their interest. His next step was to free himself from those restraints which his predecessor Meer Jaffier, and even be himself, had been obliged to lay upon the Indian trade, to gratify the avarice of his European allies. At his accession, indeed, he had ceded to the company a tract of land worth no less than £700,000 annually, besides £70,000 a-year on other accounts. All this, however, was not sufficient; the immunities granted them in trade were of still worse consequence than even those vast concessions. He knew by experience the distress which these immunities had brought upon his predecessor, and therefore determined to put an end to them. In pursuance

of this resolution, he began in 1762 to subject the English traders every where to the payment of certain duties, and required that their disputes, if beyond the limits of their own jurisdiction, should be decided by his magistrates. This gave such alarm at Calcutta, that, in November 1762, the governor Mr. Vansittart waited on him in person at Mongheer, to expostulate with him upon the subject. The nabob answered his remonstrances by saying that if the servants of the English company were permitted to trade in all parts, and in all commodities, custom free, they must of course draw all the trade into their own hands, and his customs would be of little value. That he would sooner collect no customs, and so draw a number of merchants into the country and increase his revenues by encouraging the cultivation and manufacture of a large quantity of goods. By these intimations Mr. Vansittart was much disconcerted; and under the circumstance thought proper to submit to certain regulations, by which the trade of the English was put under restrictions. This excited the utmost indignation at Calcutta. On the 17th of January, 1763, the council passed a resolution, disavowing the treaty made by the governor; affirming that he assumed a right to which he was by no means authorised; that the regulations proposed were dishonorable to them as Englishmen, and tended to the ruin of all public and private trade; and that the president's issuing out regulations, independent of the council, was an absolute breach of their privileges. They sent orders therefore to all the factories, that no part of the agreement between the governor and nabob should be submitted to. Application was again made to Meer Cossim to persuade him to a third agreement; but, before the success of this negotiation could be known, hostilities commenced on the part of the English. There was at that time in Patna (a city on the Ganges, about 300 miles above Calcutta), a fortified factory belonging to the East India Company, where were a a few European amd Indian soldiers. By this factory the city was suddenly attacked on the 25th of June 1763, and instantly taken, though it was defended by a strong garrison. The governor and garrison fled into the country on the first appearance of danger; but, perceiving that the victors took no care to prevent a surprise, he suddenly returned with a reinforcement, retook the city, and drove all the English into their fort. Eventually the English left the fort with a design to retreat into the territories of a neighbouring nabob; but being pursued by a superior force they were all either killed or taken. The nabob at the same time slaughtered the deputies who had been sent him by the council of Calcutta, to treat about a new agreement with regard to commercial affairs. These acts of treacherous hostility were soon followed by a formal declaration of war. Meer Jaffier, notwithstanding the crimes formerly alleged against him, was proclaimed nabob of Bengal, and the English army immediately took the field under the command of major Adams. The whole force, however, at first consisted only of one regiment of the king's troops, a few of the Company's, two troops of European cavalry, ten companies of sepoys, and

twelve pieces of cannon. These very soon came to action with the enemy; and cleared the country of them as far as Cossimbuzar River, a branch of the Ganges which lay between Calcutta and Muxadabad, or Murshedabad, the capital of the province.

All the pains taken by Meer Cossim to discipline his troops had not made them able to cope with the Europeans. The English were suffered to pass the river without opposition; but an army of 10,000 Indians was advantageously posted between the river and the city. These were entirely defeated, and major Adams pushed on directly for the capital. In his way he found the Indians again strongly posted with entrenchments fifteen feet high, and defended by a numerous artillery. This strong post was taken by stratagem; a feint being made with a small body of troops against that part where the enemy had collected their greatest strength. In the mean time the greatest part of the British army had in the night marched round the Indian fortification, and by day break made a furious assault on a place where there was only a slight guard. These instantly fled; the entrenchments were abandoned; and the city fell into the hands of the conquerors. The British now penetrated into the heart of the province, crossed the numerous branches of the Ganges, and traversed morasses and forests in quest of the enemy. Meer Cossim, on the other hand, was not wanting in his defence; but the utmost efforts he could use were totally insufficient to stop the career of an enemy so powerful and victorious. The two armies met on the banks of a river called Nunas Nullas, on the second of August 1763. Cossim had chosen his post with great judgment, and his forces had much of the appearance of an European army, not only in their armas and accoutrements, but in their division into brigades, and even in their clothing. The battle was more obstinate than usual, being continued for four hours: but, though the Indian army consisted of no fewer than 20,000 horse and 8000 foot, the English proved in the end victorious, and the enemy were obliged to quit the field with the loss of all their cannon. From this time the Indians did not attempt any regular engagement with the British. They made a stand indeed at a place named Auda Nulla, which they had fortified in such a manner that it seemed proof against any sudden attack. But here also they suffered themselves to be deceived, and the place was taken with great slaughter. They now abandoned a vast tract of country, to the very gates of Mongheer. The next operation was the siege of Mongheer itself; which, notwithstanding all the pains Meer Cossim had been at to fortify it, held out only nine days after the trenches were opened: so that nothing now remained to complete the conquest of Bengal but the reduction of the city of Patna. Meer Cossim, in the mean time, enraged at the progress of the English, vented his rage on the unhappy prisoners taken at Patna: all of whom, to the number of about 200, he caused to be inhumanly murdered. Dr. Fullarton was the only person who escaped, having received a pardon from the tyrant a few days before the massacre. This inhumanity was far

was next debated on what terms he should be admitted to the succession. The late nabob, among other impositions, had obliged himself to support an army of 12,000 horse, and as many foot. It was alleged that he had not fulfilled his engagement, and that he had disbanded most of the troops. It was, therefore, now judged ex pedient that the nabob should settle £800,000 annually on the company, to be paid out of the treasury; that he should also discard the prime minister Nuncomar, and receive in his place a person appointed by the council, who was to act in the double capacity of minister and governor. The council were also to have a negative upon the nomination of all the superintendants and principal officers employed in collecting or receiving of the revenues. With these extravagant requisitions the young nabob was obliged to comply, though he had discernment enough to perceive that he was now a mere "slave to the council of Calcutta. Obliged by treaty to dismiss Nuncomar from the office of vizier, he still continued to show him the same favor, until at last he was charged with carrying on a treasonable correspondence with Sujah Dowla, for which the nabob was enjoined to send him to Calcutta to take his trial. The unfortunate prince used every method to deliver his favorite from the impending danger, but to no purpose: he was obliged to submit to the mortification of having all his desires with regard to his release rejected, though the committee afterwards set him at liberty without trial. The extraordinary powers thus exerted by the council of Calcutta seem at last to have induced the company to desire some more efficient control over them. The great character which lord Clive had already gained in the east justly marked him out as a proper person for adjusting their affairs. On the 3rd of May 1765 he, therefore, arrived, with full powers as commander-inchief, president, and governor of Bengal. An unlimited power was also committed to a select committee, consisting of his lordship and four gentlemen, to act and determine every thing themselves, without dependence on the council. It was, however, recommended in their instructions to consult the council in general; but the sole power of determining all cases was left with them, until the troubles of Bengal should be entirely ended. By these gentlemen a plan of reformation was instantly set about: by which, however, violent disputes were occasioned; but the committee, disregarding these, exerted their authority to the full extent, seldom even acquainting the council with their transactions, and never waiting for their opinion.

7. From the arrival of lord Clive, as president of Bengal, to the death of Hyder Aly.-Lord Clive found that the success of the British arms could be productive of nothing but wars; that to ruin Sujah Dowla was to break down the strongest barrier which the Bengal provinces could have against the incursions of the Mahrattas and other native powers to the west, who had long desolated the northern provinces; and that the Mogul, with whom the company had concluded a treaty, was utterly unable to support himself, and would require the whole British power in the east to

secure him in his dignity. He therefore concluded a treaty with Sujah Dowla. The Mogul emperor was satisfied by obtaining a more ample revenue than he had for some time enjoyed, by which means he might be enabled to march an army to Delhi: for the company his lordship obtained the office of duan, or collector of revenues, for the province of Bengal and its dependencies. Thus Sujah Dowla was again put in possession of his dominions, excepting a small territory which was reserved to the Mogul, and estimated at twenty lacks of rupees, or £250,000 annually. The company were to pay twenty-six lacks of rupees, amounting to £325,000 sterling. They engaged also to pay to the nabob of Bengal an annual sum of fifty-three lacks, or £662,500 for the expenses of government, and the support of his dignity. The remainder of the revenues of Bengal were allotted to the company, who, on their part, guaranteed the territories in possession of Sujah Dowla and the Mogul.

The East India Company had now acquired the sovereignty of a territory equal in extent to the most flourishing kingdom in Europe. By all this, however, they were so far from being enriched, that the disorder of their affairs attracted the attention of government, and gave the British ministry an opportunity at last of depriving them of their territorial possessions, and subjecting the province of Bengal to the authority of the crown. New misfortunes also occurred in the east, and the company found a most formidable enemy in Hyder Aly. This man had raised himself from the rank of a sepoy, to be one of the most considerable princes in Hindostan. Being sensible that the power of the English was an insuperable bar to his designs, he practised on the nizam of the Deccan; and partly by promises, partly by threats, engaged him to renounce his alliance with the company, and to enter into a war against them. Having introduced the European discipline among his troops, he imagined that, with the advantage of numbers, he should be able to cope with his antagonists. In this, however, he was deceived; for, on the 16th September 1767, his army was entirely defeated by colonel Smith near Trinomally; after which the nizam deserted his new ally, and concluded another treaty with the English. From the latter, however, he did not obtain peace, but at the expense of ceding to them the Duanny of the Balegat Carnatic, which includes the dominions of Hyder Aly and some petty princes. Hyder, thus deserted by his ally, transferred the seat of war to a mountainous country, where, during 1767, nothing decisive could be effected; but his Indian cavalry was sometimes enabled to cut off the supplies, and interrupt the communications of the British. During these operations some ships were fitted out at Bombay, which conveyed 400 European soldiers, and about 800 sepoys to attack Mangalore, one of Hyder's principal sea-ports. This enterprise proved successful, and nine ships were brought away; but too small a garrison having been left in the place, it was almost immediately after retaken. In the mean time the appointment of field deputies to attend the army, and to control and superintend the conduct of the commander

in-chief, greatly weakened the British operations. Hyder Aly had the prudence to avoid a general engagement, but frequently intercepted the convoys of the English, cut off their detached parties, and wearied them out with long and continual marches. The news of his success, against an enemy hitherto invincible by all the powers of India, so raised his reputation, that adventurers flocked to him from all parts; by which means his cavalry soon increased to upwards of 90,000, to which, however, his infantry bore no proportion. Notwithstanding all his success, the forces of Hyder Aly were altogether unable to cope with those of Britain, even when there was the greatest imaginable disparity of numbers. A detachment of the company's forces had made an assault upon a fort called Mulwaggle, in which they were repulsed with some loss. This, with the small number of the detachment, encouraged Hyder to march, at the head of a great part of his army, to the protec tion of the fort. The commanding officer however, colonel Wood, did not hesitate, with only 460 Europeans and 2300 sepoys, to attack this army, consisting of 14,000 horse, 12,000 men armed with matchlock guns, and six battalions of sepoys. The engagement lasted six hours; when at last Hyder, notwithstanding his numbers, was obliged to retreat, leaving the field covered with dead bodies; and the loss of the British was upwards of 300 killed and wounded. This engagement, however, was attended with no consequences affecting the war in general, which went on for some time in the same manner, and greatly to the disadvantage of the company. The divisions and discontents among the officers and council daily increased, the soldiers deserted, and every thing went to ruin. The revenues of the establishment of Madras being at last unequal to the expenses of the war, large remittances were made from Bengal to answer that purpose; and, as these were made in a kind of base gold coin, the company is said by that means alone to have lost £40,000 in the difference of exchange. At last Hyder Aly suddenly appeared within a few miles of Madras, which occasioned such an alarm, that the presidency were induced to enter into a negociation with him. An offensive and defensive treaty was therefore concluded on the 3d of April 1769, on the simple condition that the forts and places taken on both sides should be restored, and each party sit down contented with their own expenses.

It was stipulated that, in case of either party being attacked by their enemies, the other should give them assistance: and in this case even the number of troops to be supplied by each was specified. It soon after appeared, however, that the presidency of Madras was resolved to pay very little regard to this engagement. Hyder Aly, being in a little time after involved in a war with the Mahrattas, applied for assistance; but was refused by the presidency, who pretended that they themselves dreaded a quarrel with the Mahrattas. Hyder now, therefore, found himself overmatched, and applied several times to the English for the assistance he had a right to expect; but was constantly refused. This first

appears to have inclined him to apply to the French, and by their means he obtained military stores in the greatest abundance, a number of experienced officers and soldiers, and much of the European discipline. Thus, in a short time, imagining himself a match for the Mahrattas, he renewed the war, and gaized such decisive advantages as quickly obliged them to conclude an advantageous treaty with him. It now appeared that the English had not much hesitation in quarrelling with the Mahrattas. These tribes were originally governed by princes called rajahs, who reigned at Setterah; and, though in process of time they came to be divided into a number of petty states, yet they paid a nominal respect to the ram-rajah, who had a right to assemble the chiefs, and order out their troops on any emergency. By degrees the dignity of ramrajah or sou-rajah (as he was also called) became merely titular, the administration being entirely possessed by the paishwa or chancellor. This office being usurped by one particular family, Nana-row, the reigning paishwa seized the ramrajah, and confined him in a fortress. At his death he left two sons, Mada-row and Narainrow; of whom the former, being the elder, succeeded him in the paishwaship. Ionogee Boosla, or Bouncello, the immediate predecessor of Modagee Boosla, rajah of Berar, was one of the pretenders to the dignity of ram-rajah, as being the nearest of kin; at the same time that Roganut-row, called also Ragobah, uncle to Madarow himself, pretended to the paishwaship. On this account the latter was confined by Madarow, but he imprudently released him a little before his death, and recommended to him in the most affectionate manner the care of his brother Narain-row, who was to succeed to the paishwaship. Rogonaut, notwithstanding this, murdered Narain-row, and then fled to Bombay, where, on promising a cession of territory, he was protected and encouraged in his pretensions. The Mahrattas remonstrated against his behaviour; but the English had determined to profit by the civil dissentions of the Indian powers, and paid little regard to the justice or injustice of their cause. The Mahrattas therefore not only made up their differences with Hyder Aly, but became determined enemies to the English, at the same time that a confederacy was formed among the most powerful princes of India to expel from that part of the world these western intruders.

The resentment of Hyder Aly was particularly directed against the presidency of Madras; he had also received fresh provocation by their causing a body of troops to march through his dominions without his leave, to the assistance of a prince for whom he had no friendship; as also by the capture of the French settlement of Mahie, on the coast of Malabar, which he said was within his dominions, and consequently that the French were under his protection. His troops were therefore assembled from every quarter, and the greatest preparations made for a powerful invasion. The presidency of Madras in the mean time spent their time in mutual altercations, neglecting even to secure the nountain passes, through which alone an invasion