he will keep himself within the strength of his opinion, and the better maintain the rest. But this place advertiseth me not to handle the matter in a common place. I will not deliver unto you that which, upon a probatum est, hath wrought upon myself, knowing your affections to be like mine own. There hath fallen out, since the last parliament, four accidents or occurrents of state; things published and known to you all; by every one whereof it seemeth to me, in my vulgar understanding, that the danger of this realm is increased: which I speak not by way of apprehending fear, for I know I speak to English courages; but by way of pressing provision for I do find, Mr. Speaker, that when kingdoms and states are entered into terms and resolutions of hostility one against the other; yet they are many times restrained from their attempts by four impediments:

:

The first is by this same aliud agere: when they have their hands full of other matters, which they have embraced, and serveth for a diversion of their hostile purposes.

The next is, when they want the commodity or opportunity of some places of near approach.

The third, when they have conceived an apprehension of the difficulty and churlishness of the enterprise, and that it is not prepared to their hand.

And the fourth is, when a state, through the age of the monarch, groweth heavy and indisposed to actions of great peril and motion: and this dull humour is not sharpened nor inflamed by any provocations or scorns. Now if it please you to examine, whether by removing the impediments, in these four kinds, the danger be not grown so many degrees nearer us by accidents, as I said, fresh, and all dated since the last parliament.

Soon after the last parliament, you may be pleased to remember how the French king revolted from his religion; whereby every man of common understanding may infer, that the quarrel between France and Spain is more reconcilable, and a greater inclination of affairs to a peace than before which supposed, it followeth, Spain shall be more free to intend his malice against this realm.

Since the last parliament, it is also notorious in every man's knowledge and remembrance, that the Spaniards have possessed themselves of that avenue and place of approach for England, which was never in the hands of any king of Spain before; and that is Calais; which in true reason and consideration of estate of what value or service it is, I know not; but in common understanding, it is a knocking at our doors.

Since the last parliament also that ulcer of Ireland, which indeed brake forth before, hath run on and raged more which cannot but be a great attractive to the ambition of the council of Spain, who by former experience know of how tough a complexion this realm of England is to be assailed; and therefore, as rheums and fluxes of humours, is like to resort to that part which is weak and distempered.

And lastly, it is famous now, and so will be many

ages hence, how by these two sea-journeys we have braved him, and objected him to scorn: so that no blood can be so frozen or mortified, but must needs take flames of revenge upon so mighty a disgrace.

So as this concurrence of occurrents, all since our last assembly, some to deliver and free our enemies, some to advance and bring him on his way, some to tempt and allure him, some to spur on and provoke him, cannot but threaten an increase of our peril in great proportion.

Lastly, Mr. Speaker, I will but reduce to the memory of this house one other argument, for ample and large providing and supplying treasure: and this it is:

I see men do with great alacrity and spirit proceed when they have obtained a course they long wished for and were restrained from. Myself can remember both in this honourable assembly, and in all other places of this realm, how forward and affec tionate men were to have an invasive war. Then we would say, a defensive war was like eating and consuming interest, and needs we would be adventurers and assailants; "Habes quod tota mente petisti:" shall we not now make it good? especially when we have tasted so prosperous fruit of our desires.

The first of these expeditions invasive was achieved with great felicity, ravished a strong and famous port in the lap and bosom of their high countries; brought them to such despair as they fired themselves and their Indian fleet in sacrifice, as a good odour and incense unto God for the great and barbarous cruelties which they have committed upon the poor Indians, whither that fleet was sailing; disordered their reckonings so, as the next news we heard of was nothing but protesting of bills and breaking credit.

The second journey was with notable resolution borne up against weather and all difficulties: and besides the success in amusing him and putting him to infinite charge, sure I am it was like a Tartar's or Parthian's bow, which shooteth backward, and had a most strong and violent effect and operation both in France and Flanders; so that our neighbours and confederates have reaped the harvest of it; and while the life-blood of Spain went inward to the heart, the outward limbs and members trembled, and could not resist. And lastly, we have a perfect account of all the noble and good blood that was carried forth, and of all our sea-walls and good shipping, without mortality of persons, wreck of vessels, or any manner of diminution. And these have been the happy effects of our so long and so much desired invasive war.

To conclude, Mr. Speaker, therefore, I doubt not but every man will consent that our gift must bear these two marks and badges: the one, of the danger of the realm by so great a proportion, since the last parliament, increased; the other, of the satisfaction we receive in having obtained our so earnest and ardent desire of an invasive war.

undoubted right, in so quiet and settled manner, as, if we had been long ago declared and established successor, and had taken all men's oaths and homages, greater and more perfect unity and readiness could not have been. For considering with ourselves, that notwithstanding difference of religion, or any other faction, and notwithstanding our absence so far off, and notwithstanding the sparing and reserved communicating of one another's minds; yet all our loving subjects met in one thought and voice, without any the least disturbance or interruption, yea, hesitation or doubtfulness, or any show thereof; we cannot but acknowledge it is a great work of God, who hath an immediate and extraordinary direction in the disposing of kingdoms and flows of people's hearts.

Wherefore, after our most humble and devout thanks to Almighty God, by whom kings reign, who hath established us king and governor of these kingdoms; we return our hearty and affectionate thanks unto the lords spiritual and temporal, the knights and gentlemen, the cities and towns, and generally unto our commons, and all estates and degrees of that our kingdom of England, for their so acceptable first-fruits of their obedience and loyalties offered and performed in our absence; much commending the great wisdom, courage, and watchfulness used by the peers of that our kingdom, according to the nobility of their bloods and lineages, many of them mingled with the blood royal; and therefore in nature affectionate to their rightful king; and likewise of the counsellors of the late queen, according to their gravity and oath, and the spirit of their good mistress, now a glorious saint in heaven, in carrying and ordering our affairs with that fidelity, moderation, and consent, which in them hath well appeared; and also the great readiness, concord, and cheerfulness in the principal knights and gentlemen of several counties, with the head officers of great cities, corporations, and towns: and do take knowledge by name of the readiness and good zeal of that our chiefest and most famous city,

the city of London, the chamber of that our kingdom; assuring them, that we will be unto that city, by all means of confirming and increasing their happy and wealthy estate, not only a just and gracious sovereign lord and king, but a special and bountiful patron and benefactor.

And we on our part, as well in remuneration of all their loyal and loving affections, as in discharge of our princely office, do promise and assure them, that as all manner of estates have concurred and consented in their duty and zeal towards us, so it shall be our continual care and resolution to preserve and maintain every several estate in a happy and flourishing condition, without confusion or overgrowing of any one to the prejudice, discontentment, or discouragement of the rest: and generally in all estates we hope God will strengthen and assist us, not only to extirpate all gross and notorious abuses and corruptions, of simonies, briberies, extortions, exactions, oppressions, vexations, burthensome pay. ments, and overcharges, and the like; but farther to extend our princely care to the supply of the very neglects and omissions of any thing that may tend to the good of our people. So that every place and service that is fit for the honour or good of the commonwealth shall be filled, and no man's virtue left idle, unemployed, or unrewarded; and every good ordinance and constitution, for the amendment of the estate and times, be revived and put in execution.

In the mean time, minding by God's leave, all delay set apart, to comfort and secure our loving subjects in our kingdom of England by our personal presence there, we require all our loving subjects joyfully to expect the same: and yet so, as we signify our will and pleasure to be, that all such ceremonies and preparations as shall be made and used to do us honour, or to express gratulation, be rather comely and orderly, than sumptuous and glorious; and for the expressing of magnificence, that it be rather employed and bestowed upon the funeral of the late queen, to whose memory, we are of opinion, too much honour cannot be done or performed.

As it is a manifest token, or rather a substantial effect, of the wrath and indignation of God, when kingdoms are rent and divided, which have formerly been entire and united under one monarch and governor; so, on the contrary part, when it shall please the Almighty, by whom kings reign as his deputies and lieutenants, to enlarge his commissions of empire and sovereignty, and to commit those nations to one king to govern, which he hath formerly committed to several kings, it is an evident argument of his great favour both upon king and upon people: upon the king, inasmuch as he may with comfort conceive that he is one of those servants to whom it was said, "Thou hast been faithful in the less, I will make thee lord of more;" upon the people, because the greatness of kingdoms and dominions, especially not being scattered, but adjacent and compact, doth ever bring with it greater security from outward enemies, and greater freedom from inward burdens, unto both which people under petty and weak estates are more exposed; which so happy fruit of the union of kingdoms is chiefly to be understood, when such conjunction or augmentation is not wrought by conquest and violence, or by pact and submission, but by the law of nature and hereditary descent. For in conquest it is commonly seen, although the bulk and quantity of territory be increased, yet the strength of kingdoms is diminished, as well by the wasting of the forces of both parts in the conflict, as by the evil coherence of the nation conquering and conquered, the one being apt to be insolent, and the other discontent; and so both full of jealousies and discord. And where countries are annexed only by act of estates and submissions, such submissions are commonly grounded upon fear, which is no good author of continuance, besides the quarrels and revolts which do ensue upon conditional and articulate subjections: but when the lines of two kingdoms do meet in the person of one monarch, as in a true point or perfect angle; and that from marriage, which is the first conjunction in human society, there shall proceed one inheritor in blood to several kingdoms, whereby they are actually united and incorporate under one head; it is the work of God and nature, whereunto the works of force and policy cannot attain; and it is that which hath not in itself any manner of seeds of discord or disunion, other than such as envy and malignity shall sow, and which groundeth an union,

not only indissoluble, but also most comfortable and happy amongst the people.

We therefore in all humbleness acknowledge, that it is the great and blessed work of Almighty God, that these two ancient and mighty realms of England and Scotland, which by nature have no true but an imaginary separation, being both situate and comprehended in one most famous and renowned island of Great Britany, compassed by the ocean, without any mountains, seas, or other boundaries of nature, to make any partition, wall, or trench, between them, and being also exempted from the first curse of disunion, which was the confusion of tongues, and being people of a like constitution of mind and body, especially in warlike prowess and disposition; and yet nevertheless have in so many ages been disjoined under several kings and governors, are now at the last by right inherent in the commixture of our blood, united in our person and generation; wherein it hath pleased God to anoint us with the oil of gladness and gratulation above our progenitors, kings of either nation. Neither can we sufficiently contemplate and behold the passages, degrees, and insinuations, whereby it hath pleased the eternal God, to whom all his works are from the beginning known and present, to open and prepare a way to this excellent work; having first ordained that both nations should be knit in one true and reformed religion, which is the perfectest band of all unity and union; and secondly, that there should precede so long a peace continued between the nations for so many years last past, whereby all seeds and sparks of ancient discord have been laid asleep, and grown to an obliteration and oblivion; and lastly, that ourselves, in the true measure of our affections, should have so just cause to embrace both nations with equal and indifferent love and inclination, inasmuch as our birth and the passing of the first part of our age hath been in the one nation, and our principal seat and mansion, and the passing of the latter part of our days, is like to be in the other. Which our equal and upright holding of the balance between both nations, being the highest point of all others in our distributive justice, we give the world to know, that we are constantly resolved to preserve inviolate against all emulations and partialities, not making any difference at all between the subjects of either nation, in affection, honours, favours, gifts, employments, con

But for the further advancing and perfecting of this work, we have taken into our princely care and cogitations, what it is that may appertain to our own imperial power, right, and authority: and what requireth votes and assents of our parliaments or estates; and again, what may presently be done, and what must be left to farther time, that our proceeding may be void of all inconvenience and informality; wherein by the example of Almighty God, who is accustomed to begin all his great works and designments by alterations or impositions of names, as the fittest means to imprint in the hearts of people a character and expectation of that which is to follow; we have thought good to withdraw and discontinue the divided names of England and Scotland out of our regal style and title, and to use in place of them the common and contracted name of Great Britany: not upon any vain-glory, whereof, we persuade ourselves, our actions do sufficiently free us in the judgment of all the world; and if any such humour should reign in us, it were better satisfied by length of style and enumeration of kingdoms but only as a fit signification of that which is already done, and a significant prefiguration of that which we farther intend. For as in giving names to natural persons, it is used to impose them in infancy, and not to stay till fulness of growth; so it seemed to us not unseasonable to bring in farther use this name at the first, and to proceed to the more substantial points of the union after, as fast and as far as the common good of both the realms should permit, especially considering the name of Britany was no coined, or new-advised, or affected name at pleasure, but the true and ancient name which God and time hath imposed, extant, and received in histories, in cards, and in ordinary speech and writing, where the whole island is meant to be denominate; so as it is not accompanied with so much as any strangeness in common speech. And although we never doubted, neither ever heard that any other presumed to doubt, but that the form and tenor of our regal style and title, and the delineation of the same, did only and wholly of mere right appertain to our supreme and absolute prerogative to express the same in such words or sort, as seemed good to our royal pleasure: yet because we were

But

cerning other points of the union, we were pleased our said parliament should, amongst the rest, take also the same into their consideration. But finding by the grave opinion of our judges, who are the interpreters of our laws, that, in case that alteration of style, which seemed to us but verbal, should be established and enacted by parliament, it might involve, by implication and consequence, not only a more present alteration, but also a farther innovation than we any ways intended; or at least might be subject to some colourable scruple of such a perilous construction: we rested well satisfied to respite the same, as to require it by act of parliament. being still resolved and fixed that it may conduce towards this happy end of the better uniting of the nations, we have thought good by the advice of our council to take the same upon us by our proclamation, being a course safe and free from any of the perils or scruples aforesaid. And therefore we do by these presents publish, proclaim, and assume to ourselves from henceforth, according to our undoubted right, the style and title of King of Great Britany, France, and Ireland, and otherwise as followeth in our style formerly used. And we do hereby straitly charge and command our chancellor, and all such as have the custody of any of our seals; and all other our officers and subjects whatsoever, to whom it may in any ways appertain, that from henceforth in all commissions, patents, writs, processes, grants, records, instruments, impressions, sermons, and all other writings and speeches whatsoever, wherein our style is used to be set forth or recited, that our said style, as is before by these presents declared and prescribed, be only used, and no other. And because we do but now declare that which in truth was before, our will and pleasure is, that in the computation of our reign, as to all writings or instruments hereafter to be made, the same computation be taken and made, as if we had taken upon us the style aforesaid immediately after the decease of our late dear sister. And we do notify to all our subjects, that if any person, of what degree or condition soever he be, shall impugn our said style, or derogate and detract from the same by any arguments, speeches, words, or otherwise; we shall proceed against him, as against an offender against our crown and dignity, and a disturber of the quiet and peace of our kingdom, according to the utmost severity of our laws in that behalf. Nevertheless, our meaning is not, that where in any writ, pleading, or other record, writing, instrument of speech, it hath been used for mention to be made of England or the realm of England, or any other word or words derived from the same, and not of our whole and entire style and title; that therein any alteration at all be used by pretext of this our proclamation, which we intend to take place only where our whole style shall be recited, and not otherwise; and in the other cases the ancient form to be used and observed.