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mushrooms was ascertained, it was found that they would more properly constitute a tribe, which M: Persoon has now divided into ten clearly discriminated genera.

The fphæria, which forms the first genus, resembles the more perfect vegetables in its feminiferous capsules. The xylariz, though separated froin the fphæriæ by Schrank, are arranged under this genus, on account of the fituation of the capsules, and their gelatinous fluid.

The hericia are arranged with this tribe, on account of their, form, and the absence of a pileus : they are divided into two families, as they are ramose or fimple.

Of the merulium, our author has given few species, and these are of a conoid form. The pileus, distinguished by a barren discus, joins with the stalk.

In the leotia the pilcus is so distinct as to render it surprizing that the l. lubrica should ever be deemed clavaria. It rather resembles the helvellæ, from which, however, it is distinguished by the fleshy, equal pileus.

The spathularia, of which there is only one species, resembles the helvellæ in the membranaceous pileus, and the elasticity with which the feeds are feparated. The compressed ligure, however, of the former, and its nection with the stalk, having the resemblance of a spatha, occasioned the separation.

The geoglossum, we think, might be united with the laft-mentioned genus.

The genus clavaria, strictly so called, has several divifions; 1. the ramolæ, again divided according to the greater or less thickness of the trunk; 2. the cespitosae, fome of which have a distinct sub-pellucid ftipes, others an homogeneous fuperficies; 3. the folitariæ, which are of a conoid form. * All the species are fleihy and rigid, with a fertile membrane reaching to the point: they grow in woody places, attached sometimes to the trunks and branches of trees, sometimes to dead leaves. Many of them are probably esculent.

The merismata are divided into those which have erect and distinct branches, and such as have irregular branches, either membranous or tubercular. There mostly reft on the ground, and are connected with bodies in the neighbourhood : many of them exhale a foetid smell.

The acrospermum has been united with the tremella by many authors. The elongated and raised form, and the finooth' furface, chiefly diftinguith the former from the latter. The species of this genus are either simple. or branched.

The ifaria contains various species, which are of the fiuallest kind, in their substance dry, generally white,

fometimes with a smooth, sometimes with a farinaceous surface. The farina, viewed through a microscope, appears to consist of threads connecting the branches, whence the isaria appears to have some affinity with the genus botrytis. These fungi often grow on putrid substances ; sometimes on other fungi, particularly the larger agarics ; and fome are parasitic plants on the chrysalides of infects.

It is an ingenious suggestion of this writer, that the curious appearances of the grasshopper, on that account called lanata, may be fungi of this genus, though generally, considered as part of the animal. The appendix caudiformis, as it is called, is rarely found; and our author advises naturalists, who can pursue the animal in its native haunts of South America and India, to examine whether it occurs in the living infect. In one species from the museum of M. Blumenbach, it appeared of a very tender fragile substance, greatly resembling a fungus.

We have thus given the outline of our author's plan. The minute fpecific distinctions we cannot point out with advantage in an article of this kind; but we highly commend their accuracy, and would advise the scientific botanist to examine the publication with care.

The drawings of the plates are accurate; and they are well coloured. They chiefly contain the species of the numerous genus clavaria, though a few others are added.


Tentamen Dispositionis Methodice Fungorum in Classes, Or

dines, Genera, et Familias, cum Supplemento adjeéto,

Auciore G. H. Persoon. Lipsiæ. 1797. An Essay towards a Methodical Distribution of Mushrooms

into Claffes, Orders, Genera, and Families, with a Sup

piemert. 879. imported by Escher. In this system, the fungi are arranged according to the form, Situation, proportion, and fubstance of their different parts. The classes are two, entitled angiothecium and gymnothecium. The former contains those fungi in which the receptaculum is shut, having, within, cells not confpicuous, or being filled with a spermatic dust. The second contains those in which the receptaculum is open, with cells in particular parts, covered with a feminiferous fluid or dew.

The orders of the first class are, 1. sclerocarpum, where the covering is hard and tough, containing a gelatinous substance ; 2. dermatocarpum, in which the receptacle is chiefly membranaceous, filled with threads and powder i 3. farcocarpum, of which the covering is ficíhy and solid.

The firft order of the second class is the farcothecium, the receptacle of which contains folid flethy vesicles, unconnected with it. The other orders are titothecium, the cells of which are dissolved in a vilcid fluid ; hymenothe-,

To mention the genera would be tedious. It will be sufficient to observe that M. Persoon's arrangement is clear and comprehensive.

cium, &c.

Défense de L'Ordre Social contre les Principes de la :

volution Française. Par M. L'Abbé D. P.V. G. de L.

Londres. 1798. Vindication of Social Order against the Principles of the

French Revolution. 8vo. Dulau. This work is divided into fourteen chapters, in which the author confiders, at some length, the subjects of civil society and government, of liberty and equality, the love. reignty of the people, religion, and other topics.

In the discussion of these, points, we find many truths displayed in an agreeable manner. We also observe some difputable positions in which we do not disagree with the writer: for instance, we readily admit, that religion is effential to the welfare of a nation; and the advantages of certain establishments are stated very convincingly to us, while we can make every allowance for the abuses that are inseparable from all human institutions. It is remarked by our author, that, in the whole history of empires, there is no revolution which can be compared with that of France. Others were only momentary and local convulsions which terminated in a transfer of power from one party or faction to another, or at most in a change of the forin of government. Foreigners took no interest in them, except as far as they might be connected with the leaders of either party; and, whatever was their issue, the troubles of one nation did not endanger the constitution of every other, This is true ; but what follows is not correct. ( Without any provocation on the part of government, without pretences, without visible chiefs, in the midft of profound peace, and under a humane, virtuous, and beloved prince, a kingdom was overturned by the sole force of opinion. There certainly were provocations on the part of governnient, and well-founded pretences for a change of some kind. This, however, is a point which we need not dife cufs at present. Let us rather attend to those sentiments of our author, which unfold his plan of remedy for France, and for every country endangered by France.

The revolution of September, 1797, (when the representatives of the people were banished by the fuccessful party, without the form of a trial,) was, in the opinion of our author, neceilary to convince the French that, in pupular states, it is always a faction which governs, rather than the people, or the law. As affairs now stand, France has no alternative but the tyranny of the directory, or the legitimate authority of the king. The republic is at an end. The people will have it no longer. They reject with firmness all republican inftitutions. They are deaf to the reiterated complaints and proclamations of the di-. rectory, and the administrative body. They may, perhaps, yield to force ; but their aversion to the republic will be increased by the respect which they are obliged to pay to it. The directory will no longer acknowledge the constitution of 1795, or any other in which the people have an in-s fluence. The defpots know that the same public opinion which chofe fo many of their enemies into the councils, at the elections in 1797, will not fail to produce the same effect hereafter.

Similar in its origin to the English republic, that of France will resemble it in its end. After the death of Cromwell, England, equally weary of parliamentary anarchy and protectoral tyranny, looked for no peace but in placing on the throne the son of the beheaded monarch. The directorial body, which has coerced the legislature, deffroyed the national reprefentation, and robbed the people of their conftitutional rights, is the Cromwell of the French republic. This directory will fall; and with it all the rest of the republic, its denominations and forms, will disappear. The extent of France, its population, its continental position, and its connection with the other nations of Europe, will, still less than in England, procure peace or tranquillity by any other means than the re-establishment of royalty. Monarchical government is the chief restorative for all nations exhausted by civil discord.

In whatever manner the principles of the revolution may be modified, we can never expect domestic peace.. The French republic will always be convulsed by irreconcileable partics. It will be the object of the reigning faction to dettroy the sovereignty of the people, and the right of infurrection; and the party in opposition will not cease to rouse these principles in order to gain poffeffion of power. If, in a fociety composed of such discordant : elements, there should be a state of repose, it must be the repose of dejection and despair. It will be the peace which tyrants give. Ubi folitudinem faciunt, (fays Tacitus, ) pacem appellant, Robespierre, when he had decimated.

the convention, and the triumvirs after destroying the le. gislative body, boasted that they had given peace to France.

While the present government fubfifts, France cannot expect peace with foreign nations. A powerful republic, however wisely constituted and firmly consolidated, cannot preserve internal peace, but by external war. The Roman senate knew no other means of preventing or quelling fedition than the proposal of war; and, when Rome had no more enemies to combat, it fell by its own hands. It is not merely as a republic, however, that France is condemned to perpetual warfare. The avowed principles and interest of the governing party, place her in a state of permanent war with all the nations in the world. The French republic considers itself as called to extend, by force of arms, the empire of liberty and philosophy, as Mohammed affected to believe that he had been fent from heaven to propagate the true religion; and even the Moflem fanaticism was not more ardent or rmidable than that of the Jacobins. We need not employ conjecture upon the views of the French government; they have been unfolded to all Europe. The speeches and messages of the directory, of the ministers and ambassadors of France, are so many manifeftoes iffued against all sovereigns, and all governments. Enmity is declared by the directory against every nation that will not receive a constitution detested in the country in which it was first tried.

Besides the influence of principles and of fanaticism, let us consider the interest of the chiefs. Every thing fhows that the members of the directory are not desirous of peace. They have frequently had it in their power to conclude a war more disastrous to victorious France, than to its enemies. But they never take measures for promotinga, general peace; and they consented to separate treaties, only with a view of deceiving certain powers, and of furnishing themselves with means for the destruction of those powers. To the directory war is necessary. It affords pretences for confiscations and revolutionary measures, and diverts the people from inquiries into their real situation.

After additional remarks on this subject, the defender of social order returns to his favourite panacea, the restoration of monarchy; and, as he seems to be of opinion that such an event is not very distant, he prepares for it by pointing out the person of the monarch. I have observed before, with Montesquieil, that hereditary right is an inftitution in favour of the people, rather than of the reigning family. The good which it produces, by preventing the troubles incident to elective governments, is more than a balance to the evil that may be occafioned by the bereditary APP, VOL. XXIV. NEW ARR.


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