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was 'really good, and that man, according to the expreffion, of scripture, was made in the form of God. It is not then true, that he lost this form, and that it is the end of religion to bring it back to its former purity. It is not true, that this happens when we lay aside the temper corrupted by irregular defires. No! the devil himself exists in us : we have a radical depravity which the scripture knows not, but which the philosophy of religion has invented. According to this philosophy, the baseness of man is not a departure from law; the good inclinations of men in themselves do not fall into disorder; there were no bad habits, no growing depravations of our race, from examples, allurements, or temptations, or from falfe maxims. No! the devil has crept into us; and radical evil adheres to us.

Of what use is the high moral law that I give myself, when another law and a radical power are within me to annihilate it? Pure inclination is a mere formulary, while the Satan in our nature is the mighty one by whom all our desires are enslaved. Even the Jews have not raised to so great a height their jetzer hara, the base quality in men.

Dreadful is the power that such visions have over the fancy and unguarded heart of thoughtless, dissipated men.

The philosopher who reflects in folitude, can scarcely represent to himself the emotions which a mere found perIonified in sport, the radical evil, Satan the fovereign ruler of the world, the poffeffor of the human soul, &c. excite in those men who give way to fancy. Read the Jewish histories, or those of barbarous nations. Are you not often Thocked at the power of personification over lively tempers, and still more at the inclination for representing and realising the thing personified? Hence arose the execrable belief in forcerers and witches; hence the custom of imputing to the devil that which arose from another source ; hence that negligence in expelling vice, which, by radical indolence, we low, and bring up in ourselves. Nothing plants itself so strongly as a dream of the imagination. It is mixed with what is credible by education, by an inherited way of thinking; it becomes the prejudice of families and of nations; and, lastly, it is called common sente, that is, prevailing folly. Thanks are due to the holy one of Nazareth, for dispelling such phantoms. We, my brethren, will not labour to destroy his work, or introduce into his religion a phantom which may bame the aim of all religion,'

From the extracts given, our readers will not be at a loss in forming their opinion of the style and sentiments of an author who is very popular in his own country, and whose

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work is evidently formed to correct the disputatious theo. logy with which Germany was over-run. For above two. hundred years the Lutherans, the Calvinists, and the Catholics, have in that country been vying with each other in producing large works to establish their respective opinions, and have been perfecuting each other on a variety of subjects of little or no importance, while the plain fentiments of religion, as acting on the temper and disposition, feem to have been either neglected or misunderstood. The aim of this vrork is to reclaim men to a better mode of thinking, to teach them that faith is better than speculation, and love superior to both. At a time when the contending parties are attacked by a foreign enemy, and infidelity threatens all with indiscriminate ruin, they will be more inclined to listen to the foothing accents of the gospel, to inquiro into the real nature of those opinions which keep them at vari. ance with each other, and to explode what has been introduced into the church by folly, ignorance, or fraud ; and having their minds no longer distracted by human inventions, they may, both by their principles and actions, lead even infidels to better notions of the christian faith. If this should be the effect of the work before us, it will give great joy to all who have a regard for christianity, or a dųe sense of religious and moral duties.

Histoire de la République Française, depuis la Séparation de

la Convention Nationalė, jusqu'à la Conclufion de la Paix entre la France et l'Empereur ; par Antoine Fantin Des- Odoards, Citoyen Français. Paris. 1798. History of the French Republic, from the Dissolution of the

National Convention, to the Conclusion of Peace between ; France and the Emperor. 2 Vols. 8vo. 125. sewed. Ima

ported by De Rofie. To

write a history of the French revolution, the greatest event of modern times, may be deemed an arduous task. M. Des-Odcards, however, was not discouraged from the attempt by any confiderations of trouble or difficulty; and, as he had prepared himself for the undertaking, by engaging in the compolition of former volumes of Gallic history, he thought himself fully competent to the prosecution of an extended task of the same kind. He therefore published a · Philofophical History of the French Revolution, from the Convocation of the Assembly of the Notables, to the Diflo

luation of the Convention. That work having met with a favourable reception, he has been induced to continue it; and the sequel is now under our eye.

This part of the history is introduced by'a just reproba. tion of the atrocities of the Robespierrian (way; and some remarks follow, on the state of the public mind at the ceffaţion of the fanguinary fyftem.

When the constitution of the year 1795 began to take effect, both the jacobins and royalists were diligently employed in opposing it, the former being inftigated by a hatred of all regular government, the latter by a detestation of republicanism. The true republicans were the objects of the malice and inve&tive of thofe two parties, which, while they hated each other, agreed in one point that of haraffing inceffantly the new rulers of the nation. The jacobins were the more powerful of the two factions, as they had risen on the ruins of the royalists, and had become proprietors of the confiscated estates of the privileged orders. The changes which appeared in many of thefe' obnoxious men are compared by our historian with the metamorphoses described by Ovid. (Those vile robbers and affaflins, those filthy sans-culottes, with straight black hair, ferocious eyes, hideous aspect, and infolent demeanour, were transformed, as it were by enchantment, into polite gentlemen, or rather into affected coxcombs. Their rags and wretched accommodations were replaced by rich apparel and costly furnitare: inftead of walking with thick knotted sticks, they rode in elegant carriages; and the barns in which they concealed their thefts under the veil of pretended indigence, were changed into' magnificent palaces. A

groom occupied the hotel which had belonged to a duke ; and a valet found himself incommoded even in the habitation of a prince.

After the mention of some fanguinary disturbances in the fouth of France, particularly at Marseilles, the writer en ters upon military details. The affair of Quiberon arrests his attention for some time. He will not allow that the neglect of a scrupulous observance of the terms of the ca. pitulation, granted to the royalists of la Vendée, occasioned à renewal of insurrection, That, he fays, was a mere pretence: * the real cause may be traced to the perhidious art with which the English ministry kindled on every occafion the revolutionary fire that devoured France.'

From his account of the Quiberon expedition, we will translate some passages relative to the termination of the enterprise. After the recovery of fort Penthièvre by the republicans, & the Chouans commanded by Puylaye, embarking in fat-bottomed boats, dispersed themselves over the main land. The emigrants rallied under the conduct of Sombreuil, and endeavoured, by their resistance, to give

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their wives and children an opportunity of taking refugo in the English vessels. One half of their corps, however, passed over to the army of general Hoche, declaring their attachment to the republican government. The camp being forced, those who were driven from it re-assembled upon a rock at the extremity of the peninsula. The army marched against them in three columns. Two of these went to the right and left; near the sea, to cut off their retreat; while the central column advanced upon their front with a formidable apparatus of artillery. At this time, many women and children, eagerly throwing themselves into the chaloupes, perished in the hazardous attempt, presenting a melancholy' fpectacle amidst the horrors of war.-Several English corvettes had stationed themselves very near the fhore, not only to obstruct the operations of the republicans, but also to favour the embarkation of the fugitives, The vanquished, sending forth cries of despair, fignified a desire of capitulation. General Hoche ordered them to lay down their arms. While they were holding a parley, it was observed that some chiefs were taking advantage of the occasion to go on board. The fire of the French artillery instantly re-commenced ; and the emigrants, having only the alternative of being drowned or pierced with the bayonet, furrendered at discretion.'

The author mentions, that he had seen an account pub. lished in England, in which it was 'affirmed, that the emis grants received a promise of being treated as prisoners of war. This assertion he controverts on strong grounds, particularly alleging the extremity to which those unfortunate men were reduced, placed as they were between fire and water ; a situation in which they could not presume to insist upon terins, though an humanę enemy, it might be thought, would have granted favourable cong ditions.

Of the Vendéan chiefs, Charette and Stofflet, he thus {peaks. Charette, whose intelligent and active spirit suftained for several years a very difficult war, was of an an. cient parliamentary family at Rennes, which performed an important part in the affair of La-Chalottais, in the reign of Louis XV. It is probable that, if he had been appointed deputy to the constituent assembly, the desire of being revenged upon the court would have thrown him among the minority of the nobles who coalesced with the commons. Interest and ambition made him the leader of a party. His age amounted to thirty years: he was of a moderate ftature, had a resolute look and a martial air, and was unpolished in his manners. Stoffet had much more influence

over the minds of the Vendéans, than Charette; and he is said to have been, in concert with a priest named Catherineau, the first author of the war of la Vendée. He had acted as chief huntsman to the count de Maulevrier; and he led the peasants to battle as he would his dogs to a boar-hunt. The contempt in which he affected to hold the nobility, his bold demeanor and boastful disposition, gave him a degree of personal authority which Roche-Jaquelin, Beauchamp, Delbée, Lescure, and other commanders of the Chouans and Vendéans could never obtain: but he did not equal those chiefs in military talents.'

A copious history is given of the transactions of the ItaJian campaign in 1796. Buonaparte, the director of that campaign, seems to be the favourite hero of this writer, who extols his penetration, his intrepidity, presence of mind, and martial skill, applauds his affability and easiness of access, and speaks in a high strain of his extraordinary influence over his army, Some exaggerations appear in the narrative of the circumstances attending the success of the French beyond the Alps; but such partiality is not very surprising.

Various military details are followed by an account of the affairs of Corsica. The conduct of Paoli is censured as perfidious towards the French, who had restored him with honour to his native country; and it is, affirmed, that his

artiality to the English met with that neglect which his treachery deserved. M. Fantin fays with a fneer, If Paoli found the English less generous, and less willing to confide in him, than the French were, he ought to have reflected that a nation of traders know how to calculate, and that, by having, in their favour, abused the confidence reposed in him by the French, he had put them on their guard againft fimilar perfidy.

Of the state of the interior of France, in tae fourth year of the republic, ending in September 1796, the historian presents us with a sketch. Discord and animosity, it appears, still prevailed in a high degree. Many of the provinces were agitated with alarming commotions; and the towns exhibited the rage of party, and the distractions of conflicting opinions. The roads were infested with banditti; and a general want of order and tranquillity perplexed and disgraced the government.

Among the parties of that time, four were distinctly marked. These were, the republicans who were attached to the constitution of the year 1795; those who wished to restore that of the year 1793; the more moderate politicians who preferred a limited monarchy, and, lastly, the

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