A fuftification of the Right of every well educated Phyfician of fair Character and mature Age, refiding within the Furif diction of the College of Phyficians of London, to be admitted a Fellow of that Corporation, if found competent, upon Examination, in Learning and Skill. Together with an Account of the Proceedings of thofe Licentiates who lately attempted to eftablish that Right, including the Pleadings of the Counsel, and the Opinions of the Judges, as taken in Short-hand by Mr. Gurney. By Chriftopher Stanger, M. D. &c. 8vo. 85. Boards. Johnfon. 1798.

THIS queftion is at length decided; and, after a full and

impartial view of it, we are of opinion that it has been decided with great propriety and juftice. In circumftances like thefe we ufually find errors on both fides. The college maintained its rights, or its pretenfions, with pertinacity; and Dr. Stanger carried on his attack with fome illiberality. We must allow the college the full right of forming its own bye-laws, and of regulating the terms of admiffion; but, while it excludes, by a general rule, all thofe who have not been educated at the English univerfities, it seems to us to have limited too ftrictly the occafional admiffion of others. Some vigilance ought undoubtedly to be exerted, that the wicket,' as this occafional admiffion is not unaptly called, fhould not be opened fo widely as to render the number of vifitants greater than that of the conftant refidents. If the former fhould become more numerous, the whole system might be destroyed; a fyftem which we are not prepared to give up. This, however, would not happen if the admiffions of thofe who have taken medical degrees at other univerfities were much more frequent than at prefent. Oxford and Cambridge, it must be allowed, are not diftinguished as fchools of medicine; but few, if any, individuals, engage in practice without ftudying in other universities. Thofe feminaries are fchools of found. learning and of various fcientific information; and these are much better foundations for the practice of an enlarged and liberal fcience than the confinement of an apothecary's fhop, and the narrow routine of compounding medicines. The remark of Horace Quo femel eft imbuta recens, fervabit ́ odorem tefta diu'-is exemplified in the latter mode of education; for we have feldom found the extensive views or the fcientific refearches of an enlightened physician result from fuch an initiation.

Dr. Stanger contends, that every well educated phyfician has an equal right to admiffion, &c. The terms are vague. The advocates for the college may contend, that, though found learning may exift without the pale of the English univerfities, we may more reafonably expect to find it within

those establishments. They may also allege, that an acquaintance with the ancient writers, and an accurate knowledge of their language, are parts of this good education, which cannot be easily obtained, if the best years of youth are destined to the exercise of the mortar and the bolus knife. In fhort, if corporate bodies and exclufive privileges are allowed to continue, we see no reason for blame in the prefent inftance; and, that their continuance is expedient, the courts of law and the parliament have decided.

For what, however, does Dr. Stanger contend? The pri vileges of a fellow of a college are not fo numerous or fo important as to require very active exertions in order to share them. Let us take his own ftatement.

The college of phyficians is an institution which derives dignity from the importance of its objects, which are, the safety of the public; the advancement of the fcience of phyfic; and the guardianship and promotion of the honour aud interests of the profeffion. It becomes venerable from its antiquity, having been established nearly three centuries, by a charter confirmed by act of parliament, during which period its privileges have been repeatedly extended by the legislature. It derives celebrity from the many eminent physicians, who have been its members, and luftre from the dignity of their stations, as they have always filled and now enjoy the most honourable and lucrative profeffional appointments in this kingdom. The college poffeffes a noble edifice for its meetings: a medical library, which it has the means of rendering the firft in Europe. It enjoys, within itself, degrees of rank to di ftinguifh and reward merit: lecture fhips and literary appointments to excite emulation, and afford an honourable field for the difplay of genius and learning; and the difpofal of gratuities to remunerate exertion. It eftablishes an advantageous intercourse betwixt rifing merit and mature experience, and enables the deferving afpirer to obtain the friendship and profit by the good offices of his feniors, who are the best judges of his claims, and the most able to promote his interefts. It raises its members to rank and precedency in the profeffion, and confequently, elevates them in the eftimation of the public, and facilitates their success.

P. 9.

But the college does not monopolife the learning, refpe&tability, or profits of phyficians. Medical gentlemen have rifen to eminence and to opulence without its affiftance, and have funk into infignificance and contempt, though incorporated among its members. If the licentiates deferve well of the public, it will never be asked why they are not fellows of the college.

Of what can Dr. Stanger complain? He took his ftation in the fociety, with all the monopoly of a college before his eyes. He accepted from it a licence for practifing, and cannot be injured in failing to obtain what he did not expect.

When we use his name, however, we ought to apologife this is not the contest of an individual; it is that of the licen tiates in general; but we ufe a particular name, fince the cause must be tried as it concerns the claim of an individual, before it can be transferred to a whole class.

Upon the whole, we perfift in our opinion, that the cause has been determined with juftice. If a criterion is to be drawn, an education in an English university fhould be that criterion; and we more particularly infift on it, as the fcience and the profeffion fo materially fuffer by a crowd of claimants, who have a very small share of learning or medical knowledge to fupport their pretenfions to public confidence.

A great part of this work confifts of the arguments of counfel in the late conteft, illuftrated with notes, which do not appear to be always beneficial to the caufe that Dr. Stanger undertakes to defend.

MONTHLY CATALOGUE.

POLITIC S.

Letters of the Ghoft of Alfred, addreffed to the Hon. Thomas Erfkine, and the Hon. Charles James Fox, on the Occafion of the State Trials at the Clofe of the Year 1794, and the Beginning of the Year 1795. 8.vo. 2s. 6d. Wright. 1798.

6

THESE letters originally appeared in a newspaper in the years 1794, 5, and 6; and the author has thought it neceflary to reprint them in the present form, because they are ftill as feafonable as when they were written.' His objects are, to preferve the administration of justice in its genuine purity-to vindicate the principles of English jurifprudence, refpecting the crime of high treafon to correct the irregular, indecent, and unconstitutional practices of thofe advocates, who feem to have taken a general retainer for the domeftic, as a correfpondent clafs of fenators have for the foreign enemies of the country-to lay open the wiles and artifices of French revolutionary treason-to rescue trial by jury from the fallacies and falfe doctrines, by which factious and feditious men feek to render it, not only a fhelter for the worst of crimes, but an engine of deftruction for the conftitution itself-to expose the fophiftry with which a jacobinical oppofition have infolently contended, and ftill infolently contend, that, because prifoners tried for high treafon were acquitted, no treasonable confpiracy had existed and finally, to exhibit, in juft colours, the unexampled profi

gacy of the fame defperate party, in extolling, patronifing, and promoting that horrid and deftructive fyftem of revolution and anarchy, which has already proved the moft dreadful fcourge that ever afflicted the human race, and which threatens to lay the whole fabric of civil fociety in ruins.'

In the first letter, Mr Erfkine is accused of having ufurped the province of the judge by laying down the law to the jury, and alfo of having infulted the majefty of his fovereign, by declaring that the people have a right to change their government, and that the monarch on the throne derives his title from the exercife of fuch a right. This our author calls a grofs and audacious contempt, offered to the adminiftration of juftice;' and he adds, that, among other confequences of the exercife of fuch a right, it is deftructive of that loyalty to the prince, which is the parent of all focial virtues, &c. Had not this writer been more converfant in modern than ancient politics, what should have induced him to pass over fo remarkable an inftance of the exercife of this right as that which took place at the revolution in 1688? Because the people were then deficient in loyalty to a bigoted tyrant, did their focial virtues difappear? Was it then thought contrary to all laws human and divine,' to drive him from the throne, and place, in fucceffion, the prefent family upon it? We grant that it is unneceffary and improper to be for ever harping upon the doctrine of refiftance; but to deny its existence as a right, in extreme cases, is to contradict the opinion of every good writer on the subject of government, and (what is perhaps of more importance) to vilify the conduct of our ancestors at the memorable period before mentioned.

The fecond and two following letters tend to prove, that, although the perfons tried for high treafon in 1794 were acquitted, yet a treasonable confpiracy actually exifted. In the courfe of this difcuffion, the author cannot with-hold his regret that the trialsended in that manner; he even goes fo far as to aver that now the conftitution is deftitute of the protection of the law Thomas Paine faid, that we have no conftitution. The ghost of Alfred says that our conftitution is deftitute of the protection of the law. What is the inference, but that extremes meet, and that the violent of both parties are equally bent on infulting the wisdom of our ancestors by revolutionary projects?

The other letters are addreffed to Mr. Fox, and contain an attack on his political conduct fince the commencement of the war. Of the fpirit that pervades this attack, one fhort fentence may fuffice as a fpecimen. You have juftified the crimes of the revolution You have palliated even its moft fhocking atrocities,' Our readers will find no difficulty in determining whether an author, who deliberately advances fuch calumnies, is qualified to preserve the adminiftration of juftice in its purity."

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Remonftrance, addreffed to the Executive Directory of the French Rea public, against the Invafion of Switzerland. By John Cafpar Lavater, Rector at Zurich. 8vo. Is. 6d. Debrett. 1798.

This remonstrance was tranfmitted by Lavater to Rewbell with an intimation, that, if the writer fhould not receive an immediate and fatisfactory answer to it, it should be published in three languages. Rewbell condefcended to reply, but not fatisfactorily; and, as no press in Switzerland was open to Lavater, he fent the address to another country to be printed. It will not be thought furprising that the answer was not fatisfactory, as the request of the writer was of no lefs import than to withdraw the power of France from the cantons, and repay the money which the invaders had feised.

This remonftrance is a compofition not unworthy of Lavater's pen. His zeal for peace, happinefs, and liberty, burned with additional fervour, when he faw those bleffings rudely torn from his defenceless countrymen ; and he therefore writes in a style of bitter' ' and indignant reproach. With regard to argument, it seems confined to these two points;-that the errors in the governments of Switzerland were not so great as they were faid to be;-and that, if they had been greater, the Swiss were an independent nation, and the French had no right to impose a conftitution by the force of the bayonet. None will difpute this, except, perhaps, the vindicators of the partition of Poland. With refpect to fact, Lavater mentions feveral of the very unjustifiable acts of which the French have been guilty. After having fubdued, ravaged, and plundered Berne, Fribourg, and Soleure, they required, from his countrymen of Zurich, an affent to the new conftitution, in a violent, peremptory tone, in the language of robbers, blood or money-acceptance or war;' and, notwithstanding their promife that not a fous fhould be demanded, they had the impudence to exact three millions of livres.' We recommend this fpirited addrefs to those who abhor rapine and injustice, whether committed by monarchies or republics, regular or irregular govern

ments.

A rapid View of the Overthrow of Switzerland. By an Eye Witnefs. Tranflated from the French. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Hatchard. 1798.

This tranflation has been executed by a Swifs, who appears to have made confiderable proficiency in our language, and who was in other respects qualified to prefent to the English reader a detail of great intereft and importance. The writer, befides having been an eye-witnefs of what paffed in Switzerland, feems well acquainted with those Parifian intrigues which formed the preparatory fteps to the eafy overthrow of that once happy state. Most of these have been already laid before the public; but they are here