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ranging themselves before their barracks, and the inhabitants had either entered their houses or quitted the town; my effective troops, however, were now reduced to fifteen hundred men, who were divided into different detachments.
Being in la place royale, with about four hundred French grenadiers, at the distance of two hundred paces from the barracks of the king's regiment, from whence there was no firing, the grenadiers pressed me earneitly to attack that regiment, though three times as
numerous as themselves. Night approaching I was undetermined what plan to adopt, when one of my
aides-de.camp', M. de Rhodes, came to tell me, that he had penetrated as far as the barracks, and had held some conversation with the soldiers, whom he found much alarmed and disposed to submit; they already, he said, began to listen to their officers, and if I appeared, he had no doubt of their submission,
"I hastened thither that moment alone. At the sight of me they appeared confounded, and attempted to lay down their arms, but I prevented them, only desiring that they would quit the town within a quarter of an hour, to which they consented. I immediately sent them orders to go to a garrison at the distance of twenty leagues : they obeyed. The officers resumed their authority and command, and in half an hour after, this regiment had entirely evacuated Nanci, and was in full march towards the place of its destination. What was very extraordinary, the soldiers de manded of me an escort, though each of them had thirty rounds of cartridge which I had not thought it advisable to take from them, left it should occasion fome delay in their departure, at that time the object of greatest importance.
• I gave them thirty husfars, who conducted them to their garrison. I now announced to the Swiss regiment the departure of that of the king, sending them, at the same time, orders to leave ‘Nanći likewise, and proceed to a distant town which I had pointed out to them. This order they obeyed, and their example was followed by the cavalry : by nine o'clock at night, the whole garrison had left the town, and were on their march : the people of Nanci were dispersed, or had retired to their houses; the strangers had departed, and every thing was quiet.
• The following day, I reinstated in their functions and authority the department and the municipality, and order was perfectly re-established.
• In all this affair it was very singular, and, at the same time, very fortunate, that not one house was either pillaged or burnt, por was one of the inhabitants either killed or wounded, except those who had taken arms, the number of whom was very cona siderable, though I never received any exact account of them.'
This plain narrative will be deemed fully exculpatory,
when we add to it, that the marquis received a letter from the king, another from M. de la Fayette, and a third from the president of the national assembly, all filled with approbation of his conduct. The king's letter begins in this manner :] hope, fir, you are sufficiently acquainted with my sentiments, to be assured that your conduct at Nanci has given me the most signal satisfaction. On the 31st of August you faved France.' ---La Fayette says, “You are the faviour of the commonwealth, my dear coufin, and your fuccess affords me a double satisfaction, both as a citizen and as your friend; and the president informs the marquis, that the national asm sembly . had passed the highest encomiums on the courage and patriotism he displayed in compelling to return to their duty the garrison of Nanci, and those who had joined in their revolt.' A decree, in which these sentiments are repeated, was sent at the same time, to be cominunicated to his foldiers. These documents may be pronounced satisfactory. If M. de Bouillé acted in compliance with the will of the nation, the law, and the king, again!t whom could he commit a crime?
We have reversed our usual order in giving a preference to this affair, as it is one of the leading topics of the work, and the chief purpose for which it was published. The contents of the volume, however, are in other respects valuable. The author endeavours to account for the French revolution, by tracing it to the misconduct of the ministers of Louis XIV. and XV. and he blames the proceedings of the archbishop of Sens and M. Necker in the later years of the monarchy: but he is not altogether fo severe to the latter as M. de Moleville is. He considers him as unacquainted with men, and as measuring them all with a philosophical compass. In his opinion, the grand error of this minister was his exclusion of the king from the states-general, instead of rendering him their arhiter. In a conversation with him on this fubje&t, M. de Bouillé reprosented the danger of assembling the states in the manner intended by him. He told him that he was arming the people against the first orders of the state, and that these, when thus delivered up unarmed, would soon feel the effects of public. vengeance, urged by the two most active paffions of the human heart, interest and self-love. M. Necker coldly answered him, raising his eyes to heaven, that it was necessary to rely on the moral virtues of mankind, M. Bouillé replied, that this was a fine roinance, but that he would see a horrible tragedy, of which he advised hișn to avoid the catastrophe, At theie words the ininister finiled; and madame Necker obferved, that such apprehentions were extravagant.
But M. de la Fayette is the hero of the revolution with whoin the marquis seems most at variance, and to, whom he imputes the grofest misconduct, occafioned by visionary pro
jects and a romantic desire of being the Washington of France. In determining the character of that gentleman, the correspondence scattered over this volume will be found useful. We must add, in justice to our author, that; where he has documents and proofs, he produces tein, and, where he speculates or gives opinions, he is as fair, open, and rigid, with his own character, as with that of any person whom he introduces. In various parts of the work, he acknowledges his error's most frankly; and, although he may seem to have depreciated the character of La Fayette, he deserves credit for the nianner in which he sums up his errors.
• Though on many occasions I have had reason to blame the proceedings of La Fayette, not only towards myself, but likewise towards the king, whom he treated, particularly after his arrest af Varennes, with an insolence and harshness unexampled, but which perhaps he thought neceffary to secure himself from the fury of the Jacobins; though at the same time his political coniluet was very reprehensible; yet I must acknowledge, that his behaviour with respect to me was certainly generous, and it was the more meriton rious
as, had the king not been arrested at Varennes, there is every reason to believe La Fayette would have been massacred by the people, who held him responsible for the king's escape. In the letter which I sent from Luxembourg to the afTembly, I likewise warmly attacked him. His conduct then, on the present occafion, is a sufficient proof of his moderation. He never was, I repeat it, a man of a bad heart; but that enthusiastic love of liberty which he acquired in America, joined to an immoderate thirst for glory, and sentiments of philanthropy, inflamed his bosom, raised in him exalted notions, and diverted his qualities towards a dangerous point, making one of the chiefs of the revolution, a young man who, when experience frould have calmed the deceitful ardour of youth, might perhaps have become one of the best ser, vants to his fovereign, and a ftrenuous support to the monarchy. Here then I must express my sincere wishes for his restoration to liberty and tranquillity, hoping at the same time, that the events he has witnessed, and the misfortunes he has gone through, may have cured him of his revolutionary frenzy. P. 440.
In a preceding part, he openly and ingenuously reviews his own conduct.
But whilft I am reproaching La Fayette with his political conduét, I must regret the errors I myself have committed. Having once consented to conform to the new constitution, and to act under it, which I did with a view of serving my sovereign, I thould have endeavoured to take the lead in the new state of affairs, by forming to myself a strong party, which I was able to have done, sven among the constitutionaliâs themselves ; , I thould have fupa
ported La Fayette against the Jacobins, and have defended the king against all parties, reserving for him resources in case of an emergency. I ought then, on the 4th of May, to have accepted the command of the confederate national guards of les Evéchés and Lorraine ; I should soon have found myself at the head of those of the other frontier provinces, which were actually not long after submitted to my orders, and served in some manner as a check upon the regular troops under my command. Being thus in poffellion of a considerable force, I should have gone to Paris to found the intentions of La Fayette, and endeavour at least to inSpire him with confidence. With those of the ministers who were men of talents and integrity, and there were many whom I esteemed such, as M. de la Tour du Pin, I should have concerted a plan of conduct, procured his majesty's fanétion to it, and an assurance, on his part, that he would strictly conform to it. This plan should have been adapted, not only to the existing circumstances, but to the character of Louis the Sixteenth, who, with all the beneficence of Henry the Fourth, possessed none of his warlike virtues. The king then should have fuffered the constitutional party to proceed in their career, taking care, however, to have some partisans among them ; he was to make judicious reflections upon the different decrees which Mould be presented to him, without rejecting any, only expressing a constant desire that the new laws should be calculated to promote the happiness of his people; as the defects in the conftitution were already perceived by a great majority of the aflembly, it would perhaps have fallen of itself, or, which is more probable, would have experienced fuch alterations as would have left in the king's hands the whole executive power, and the disposal of the national forces. His majesty's conduct no longer inspiring diftrust, the fear entertained of the aristocrats would have subsided, and the constitucional party would not have united with the Jacobins. The king might have weakened the party of La Fayette, and I was in poffeffion of a formidable, popular, and miJitary force, which he might have employed usefully, had he properly chosen the opportunity. The enlightened part of my readers will, undoubtedly, reproach me with the errors which I have mentioned : they are the subjects of my regret; but the horror in which I held this revolution disconcerted the measures which prudence prompted me to follow. I did too much perhaps for my principles, but certainly too little to insure success.' P. 156.
These Memoirs, though they embrace only a few of the prominent features of the revolution, must be considered as a valuable contribution to that mass of knowledge, which in more peaceable days may be applied to the purposes of general instruction. Numeroụs are the writings that have lately appeared, profesfing to develope characters, and explain the views of parties; and, when the history
of the French revolution shall become completely understood by these means, it only remains that it should be wisely applied to the melioration of the state of man,
Zoonomia ; or, the Laws of Organic Life. By Erasmus Dar
win, M.D. (Continued from p. 77.) We now proceed to the second order of the firft class of diseases. It contains an extensive list, a part of which we shall present to the reader.
Inirritative fever. 2. Parefis inirritativa,
debility. 3. Somnus interruptus.
Interrupted sleep. 4. Syncope.
SPECIES. 1. Frigus febrile.
Coldness in fevers. chronicum.
permanent. 2. Pallor fugitivus.
Palenefs fugitive. permanens.
permanent. 3. Pus parcius.
Diminished pus. 4. Mucus parcior.
Diminished mucus. 5. Urina parcior pallida.
Pale diminished urine.
«G EN U S III.
sweat. 3. Catarrhus frigidus.
catarrh. 4. Expectoratio frigida,
expectoration, 5: Urina uberior pallida. Copious pale urine. 6. Diarrhea frigida. Cold diarrhea.