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the goversors and co. of the bank of England. The eftablishment was formed partly on the constitution of the bank of Amsterdam, and partiy on the practice of the private bankers in England. It was an immense trading company, which dealt in bullion, disa counted bills of exchange, advanced money on security to indivim, duals, and occasionally to the government.---Its advances to the latter became at length to considerable, as to abforb the whole capital with occasional augmentations. Its connexion with the government, and the advances of money to the support of every war, rendered it the policy of the ministers, as well as of the bank directors, to involve in mystery as much as possible its proceedings. Some spirited, and, we must add, patriotic efforts were, however, snade by the late alderman Pickett, to oblige the directors to lay their accounts, annually, before the public; and we must remark (so essential is publicity to the welfare of every national institution) that if his applications had been successful, the bank would probably never have experienced the shock which we have now to rex cord.'

P. 124 The affairs of Ireland form the next subject of discussion. They are not mentioned, however, in an independent way, or in a regular narrative, but merely as having been the topics of debate in our parliament.

The particulars of the descent of the French in PembrokeAhire, are followed by remarks which are not injudicious.

The conjectures have been various with respect to the object of this expedition. The troops which were landed were said by fome to have consisted of a number of the Vendean insurgents, who had enlifted into the service of the republic, but could not be trusted in their own country. By others : hey were represented as a band of galey flaves, and other criminals collected from the prifons of Bisit, and landed in England merely to quarter them upor the enemy. This report is most generally believed, and is countenanced by fome debates in the French councils, in which Truguet, the minisier of marine, was vehemently censured for having planned fo digracesul a meature. In opposition to this opinion, however, it may be mentioned, that the commander of the party declared, that he had with him 600 of the best troops in France, veteran and experienced soldiers ; nor is it very credible, that if the fake object was to quarter a fet of banditi upon England, they would have fen: with them such ampie supplies. There are other causes, which to us a pear more probable for this undertakingIt was, in the first place, of foire inportance to demonstrate to France, that thu !! vasion of England, in the face of her powerful marine, was practicable in any circumstances; and secondly, it is well known that the French have always been egregiously deceived with respect to the temper and sentiments of the British nation; we have little doubt, therefore, but the French ministry flattered

themselves that these troops would have been joined on their land. ing by considerable numbers of the lower classes of the people, and that at least a considerable alarm would be excited throughout the kingdom. It was, therefore, an experiment to try at once the temper of the people, and the practicability of a descent." P. 245:

Upon the success of admiral Jervis in the engagement near Cape St. Vincent, we find these observations.

So important a victory with so decisive a disparity of force, ising perhaps, unparalleled in our naval annals. The ability displayed by the commander, was only to be equalled by the valour and adroitness of the seamen; indeed we have been informed by an eye witness, that the fire of the British was superior to that of them opponents, in the proportion of five or fix to one, during the whole of the action : and the expenditure of ammunition was consequently beyond example.-The Culloden, it is faid, ex pended 170 barrels of powder; the Captain 146; and the Blertheim 180. The Spaniards fought bravely, but with little pill; and it is but fair to remark, that their fleet was ill-equipped and very indifferently manned, and in no respect fit for action; their flag-lip had not more than fixty or eighty seamen on board, the rest consisted of impressed landmen, or foldiers of their new levies.' P. 249.

With regard to the victory over the Dutch, it is justly remarked, that

• The great merit of admiral Duncan in this action was the Tunning his fleet between the enemy and a lee-fhore; a step which none of his predecessors had ever dared to take in fimilar circumftances, and which was considered as too hazardous to be attempted even by admiral Keppel, who was not deficient cher in judgment or spirit. This, it is obvious, and this alone, rendered the victory of admiral Duncan so decisive as it prored ; and he showed that his judgment in closing the conteft in proper time, and in extricating his feet and prizes from fo dilficult a situation, was equal to his boldness in hazarding so decisive a measure.' 2516

Our narrator condemns the conduct of the French towards the Venetians and Genoese as unjust and oppressive; and few will controvert that opinion. Speaking of the transactions to which we allude, he fays,

• In whatever point of view they are considered, they redound but little to the credit of the French government. They were the commencement of a system of aggression against neutral but unprotected states, which has fince been carried to an abominable excess, and by which the government has been difgraced, and the well-earned laurels of Buonaparte nearly blafted,

P.

. That the pretended republican government of Venice tvas no other than an execrable tyranny, vested in the hands of certain powerful families, and supported by a complex and mysterious or ganisation of the executive power, is a fact very generally acknowledged.—That the government of Venice might view with a jea+ lous and a timid eye the rapid advances of the French, may be ea. fily supposed.-- That they would have rejoiced in the expulfion of the French from Italy, is equally probable. Yet these are not motives sufficient to justify the violent measures of the French; the feisure of territories, the dissolution of the political existence of a neutral independent state.'

P. 265. Having mentioned the treaty which subverted the conftitution of Venice, he adds (not indeed expressing himself in the beít manner),

• Admitting all the charges to be just, which were brought against the Venetian government, this appears to have been a sufficient punishment for all their delinquencies--the sequel is truly disgraceful to the French government and nation; but experience has fhown that republics, not less than monarchies, are more frequently conducted on principles of policy than of justice. The Venetian territory was filled with French troops, and the only are ticle of the treaty they took care to fulfil, was the levying of the contributions. In a word, on the final adjustment of the definitive treaty with the emperow, which, after much delay, was concluded at Udina, on the 17th of O&tober, it was found that Venice was to be the sacrifice to peace, and the whole of the territories of that ancient and renowned state were ceded by a republic (which profeffedly was in arms for the cause of liberty) to the despotic yoke of Austria.

In cenfuring such proccedings as there, we flatter ourselves our readers will not consider us as inconsistent-the friend of liberty looks to no party as the guide of his opinions-

" Nullius addictus jurare in verba magistri." When the nascent liberties of France were attacked by a combie nation of despotic powers on the continent, we deprecated what we esteemed a most unjustifiable aggression, an interference not warranted by the law of nations, or by the principles of justice when France in her turn becomes an oppressor, the voice of truth and justice will proclaim her infamy, and will censure the inconfistency, the wickedness of her rulers.

· The republic of Genoa felt at the same time the predominant influence of the French; and its government, which was one of those mild aristocracies where the great are content with having all the political power without oppressing their fellow-citizens, was changed for the fashionable form of a representative government. -Whether the change will ultimately proye for the happiness of

the people or not, time only will determine ; all that can at present be faid upon the subject is, that the part which the French acted in the business was wholly unjustifiable. P. 266.

The remarks which close the historical part deserve the ata tention of all who have any concern in the administration.

In reflecting on the present politics of Europe, there is little confolatory to the friend of liberty and of mankind. The French government has departed from the grand principle on which they professed to enter into war, to indulge in visionary schemes of aggrandisement, and to acquire conquests, which, in the end, will be destructive to themselves. They forget that the nation only which is happy and at peace is truly great. They neglect the means of internal greatness, peace, and industry, to pursue a false glory which dazzles only to mislead and destroy.

With respect to ourselves, we are still convinced that the return of peace ought to be the principal, the fole object with the British

government ;. and that no colonial acquisitions can be an adequate compensation for even a single year of war.. We are not of that class of politicians who are disposed to despair of our country. But our finances are deranged, and a season of tranquillity is necessary to restore them. Our commerce may not in appearance be diminished; yet, if the expenses with which it is at prefent burthened be taken into consideration, it can yet scarcely be faid to be in a flourishing state. Our military arrangements may poffibly be necessary for the security of the nation; but we are convinced that they are calculated ultimately to enervate and diininith its industry, which is the sole advantage Britain poffeffes over other European nations, its guardian, its support. p. 297.

The remainder of the Register comprehends almost 650 pages; a space which would have been sufficient for the whole volume.

The review of literature is, in general, just and impartial; and it forms one of the most pleasing parts of the volume. The critical catalogue of foreign literature, however, is too concise; but this is not the fault of the annual reviewer.Upon the whole, this work, in its progress, is still worthy of our favourable report.

T. Lucretii. Cari de Rerum Natura Libros fex longe emenda

tiores reddidit G. Wakefield, &c. (Continued from Vol. XXIII. p. 288.)

BEFORE we examine that part of the Lucretian poem, which occupies the second volume of this elaborate edition, we will take notice of a prefixed Latin elegy, sacred to the

memory of the illustrious patron of the literati of the Auguftan age. The author refers to the honor and happiness which the votaries of the Muses then enjoyed, and laments. the contrait which the present times exhibit. He cherishes, however, the hope of a favorable change, and looks forward to more auspicious times. The verses, in general, are pleasing and harmonious.

The first remark which we have occasion to make upon the third book, relates to a paffage which has been frequently quoted.

Floriferis ut apes in faltibus omnia libant,

Omnia nos itidem depafcimur aurea dicta. It appears, that most of the manuscript copies have limant ; and Mr. Wakefield contends for the propriety and elegance of this expression : but it seeins inore probable that the poet wrote libant, as the latter word has a inore close connexion with depascimur.

In this, as well as in the preceding books, the editor takes opportunities of altering a variety of passages selected from other writers. For instance, in Sappbo's celebrated ode, which Lucretius seems to have had in his

eye

when he composed the 155th and two following veries of the third book, our commentator proposes, that Epoxews and et' should be Geoxos ws and en’; alterations which are certainly preferable to some of the attempts for the improvement of the disputed passage.

v. 216. Vitalem præter fenfumMr. John Jones, the friend of the editor, advised him to introduce ventum in lieu of fenfum ; and those readers who will refer to other parts of the third book, will find reason to approve the change.

273, Senffer unde oritur primum per viscera thotus. This line is strongly suspected by Mr. Wakefield of being fpurious; and, as it is explanatory of what precedes, it inay have been written in the inargin of a copy, and thence foisted into the text. 351-9. Quod super eft, fi quis corpus fentire refutat,

Atque animam credit, permixtam corpore toto,
Subfcipere hunc motum, quem fenfum nominitamus;
Vel manifeftas res contra, verasque, repugnat.
Quid fit enim corpus sentire quis adteret umquam,
Si non ipfa palam quod res dedit, ac docuit nos ?
At, dimissà animâ, corpus caret undique fenfu;
Perdit enim, quod non proprium fuit ejus in ævo;

Multaque præterea perdit, quom expellitur ævo. This paffage has given fome trouble to the commentators ; but the present editor thinks that he has discovered the true

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