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nislaus are applauded; and the interference of the Ruffian emprefs is ftigmatised as arbitrary and unjust. After the intervention of the affairs of France and other countries, the concerns of Poland are resumed ; but the war which arose in 1792 from the ambition of Catharine is too briefly noticed. It was, indeed, quickly closed; but a longer account of it might have been expected.

The writer introduces the narrative of French affairs with a remark which is not strictly just. He affirms, that the principles of the French revolution were all principles of demolition without any of construction. But, because the popular party did not conjirudt so eally or so quickly as it demolished, it does not follow that its principles were confined to subversion. The new political structures, it must be allowed, were not fitted for permanency ; but the opposers of the old régime had a view to construction as well as to demolition.

The inquiry into the commotion of the 6th of October, 1789, is stated with fome partiality to the cause of the court ; but the conclufion, that it was the effect of a conspiracy of the popular chiefs, rather than a casual tumult, appears to be well-founded. The state of the Jacobin club near the clofe of the

year 1790, is thus mentioned.

• Amidst all the various factions and cabals which co-operated in their several ways to drive forward the revolution, the great mother club of the Jacobins stood superior, and was the centre of all the intrigue in France. Their abuse of the press was beyond all imagination. Large editions of no less than from fifty to a hundred different pamphlets were diftributed every month at their door, The Lameths too had introduced a committee of correspondence, which now held communication with * more than two thousand affiliated focieties in different parts of the kingdom, besides foreign societies all over Europe.' Part i. r. 79,

.

• Of this powerful machine, the Lameth6, under the lead of Barnave, were left principal directors, by the fecefsion of the members who formed the club of 1789. But this made room for a new faction to rise into notice ; \Brissot, Robespierre, Pethion, Buzot, Carra, Collot d'Herbois, Salicetti, and more of that stamp, some of whom made themselves of so much consequence as to get their names on the committee of correspondence. Under these circumstances, Mirabeau, who had attached himself to the club

« * Vie de Dumouriez, l. iii. c.5.--But le veritable Portrait de nos Legislateurs, p. 28. makes the affiliated societies only about 609, and the writer does not apparently mean to under-rate their number. Whether more or fewer, it is agreed by all, that they existed in all the principal towns, and most of the conliderable villages throughout France.'

Part i. P. 79.

of 1789, for the sake of its weight in the national assembly, but who foon found their infufficiency, and their error in abandoning the Jacobins, returned to the latter, and exerted himself to regain the lead. Yet while he contended with his rival Barnave, and the Lameths, for the ascendency, he did not court the connections of Brissot and Robespierre, who were then endeavouring to undermine them. He rather pointed his efforts to repress the more violent {pirits; for he considered them as the most dangerous, and he had conceived a hope that the society which had done so much to destroy, might thus in the end be made the instrument of restoring order. Indeed his object had never been to overturn the state, but by any means to govern it.'

The endeavours of Mirabeau, however, could not secure to him that sway which was necessary to allay the violence of the Jacobins. His character is drawn with a spirited rather than an elegant pencil. We will quote fome parts of it.

' In all the great relations of life, his character was such as to admit of no defence, no excuse. His enemies, both of the royalist and demacratic parties, concur in representing him as the most immoral of men; a bad son, an execrable husband, a brutal lover, and an imperious master. Nor indeed do his very friends conceal, that from his own account he appeared to have poffeffed in his early days few difpofitions to virtue and rectitude, and but little natural goodness of heart; the best they can say for his memory is, that he was a being who by the force of circumstances operating on a character of lofty energy, was driven beyond the limits of nature and morality. . His infancy was untractable and turbulent. In his youth, by his fcandalous vices, he alienated all who were con nected with him by the ties of blood, and he acquired no friend. The best years of his manhood were spent in prisons, where he was confined at the request of his family, sometimes to punish, sometimes to prevent his crimes, and sometimes to screen him from the vengeance of the law, which had pronounced more than one capital sentence against him. His father believed him a parricide ; his wife divorced him ; his mistress, madame Monnier, he feduced from her husband, his friend and protector; and when he had spent what Me had brought away with her, sent her back to gain his own pardon. He accepted the employment of a spy from the court of Versailles at the court of Berlin, and betrayed both courts. Not long before the revolution he was in this metropolis ; and he was known to most of our criminal jurisdictions, sometimes as a prosecutor, sometimes as the object of prosecution, and every way alike to his disgrace.

+ As a writer, he obtained a reputation by chusing with dexte. rity the favourite topics of the day.

His style was his own, powa, erful in expresiion, exciting and arresting the attention by frequent paradoxes.

• As a speaker, he had a commanding voice, an imposing manner of authority. His oratory was less eloquent than bold, less prófound than original.' Part i. P. 122.

• In the pillage and bloodthed of the revolutioni, Mirabeau does not seem to liave felt any positive pleasure of warton malignity, but he deliberately encouraged all the early insurrections, hazarded all their consequences, and defended whatever happened, because he thought all neceffary to the purposes of his ambition.

• His skill in the management of the national assembly was confpicuous. But to his influence there he did not scruple to sacrifice his opinions. When he could not induce the majority to go withi him, that he might still keep his station at their head, he was ever ready to go with them; and if he was accidentally caught in a minority, commanding the press as - he did, he had the art the next day to represent his defeat as a victory, In the last months of his life, when he became more decided and fixed in the support of order, the reception which he sometimes experienced in the assembly as well as in the Jacobin club, made him sensible, as he said himfelf, that it was, but one step from the capitol to the Tarpeian rock : he perceived that not only his popularity, but his existence, was likely to be involved in one common ruin with the monarchy, which he had been one of the foremost to shake. If however, against all probability he had prevailed, and become the minister of a free state, the spirit of his government may be collected from one of his speeches which he had prepared, but not ventured to deliver : “ The rule of liberty (observed he) is perhaps more austere than the caprices of tyrants.” Part i. P. 123.

The proceedings of the constituent assembly are censured i with severity by our author.

· Had the chiefs of the assembly, in the first instance, contented themselves with getting effectual and fure poffeffion of that falutary power' (the control of the public purse] had they then practically examined the usages of former times ; had they changed nothing till they had found it upon trial to be incurably unfound, they would have deserved well of their country, and might still more largely have benefited mankind. They took, however, a contrary course. In no one act did they ever turn their eyes towards their ancient constitution. They seened, by common confent, to have renounced their forefathers. They affected to set themselves up as a totally new model of perfection for the imitation of the universe ; yet differing in their motives, their intentions, their ends, their means, their notions, and their speculations ; fome burried away by the characteristic vivacity of the nation, some miled by vanity, part deceived by the false light of a dangerous philosophy, part seeking the gratification of their own ambition, others covering the worst designs under plausible pretences, they

Parti. P.

only united to destroy.. They early entangled themselves with principles pretended to be drawn from an imaginary state of nature anterior to civil society; and for their agents and inftruinents, they let loofe from every religious or moral restraint, all the most ungovernable paflions of the human breaft. There was nothing in their demeanour which had the semblance of wisdom: whatever. they faid, was turgid and declamatory; whatever they did, was oftentatious and theatrical.'

192. These observations are too indiscriminately censorious. Some of the acts of the assembly were prudent and judicious ; and, though the new constitution was not a master-piece of civil or political wisdom, it was, in many re!pects, entitled to praise.

An account is afterwards given of the rise and progress of that disorganising conspiracy which is supposed to have led to the French revolution, and which the abbé Barruel and professor Robifon have diligently explored, though they have not proved the existence of it to the extent which they imagine.

The cruelties perpetrated by the insurgents in the ifland of St. Domingo are related in a style of just indignation ; but, though we have no doubt that horrible enormities were com mitted, we cannot give credit to all the particulars here stated.

With regard to the negotiation at Pilnitz between the emperor and the king of Prussia, the writer is of opinion, thae the secret treaty said to have been concluded on that occation is a mere fiction.

Nothing more' (he fays) .appears to have passed, than a jointdeclaration which the count d'Artois, who had followed the emperor thither from Vienna, obtained by his importunity from the two monarchs, In this instrument, considering the situation of Louis the XVIth as an object of common concern to all the lovereigns of Europe, they called upon the several powers, from whom affistance was requested, fo to employ, in conjunction with themselves, the most efficacious means according to their forces, as to furnish the king of France with the ability of consolidating in the most perfect liberty, the basis of a monarchical government, equally fuitable to the rights of sovereigns, and the welfare of the French nation. In the mean time they proposed to keep their own troops in a state of preparation for actual service, whenever neceffary." Part i. P. 246.

If any treaty was then adjusted, we have fufficient reason to believe that his Britannic majesty had no concern in it, though he afterwards became an ally of the two sovereigns.

The war between France and Austria is represented as having been unprovoked by the conduct of the court of Vienna,

Crit. Rev. Vol. XXIV. 08. 1798. O

The rulers of France were certainly precipitate in their declas ration of war: but the avowed concert of princes furnished grounds of alarm and complaint ; and the French, in all probability, would soon have been involved in hostilities, even if they had not been the assailants.

The narrative of the war is continued only to July, 1792. The civil affairs of France are brought down to the succeeding month. Those of Great-Britain terminate with the sefsion, in June.

The war in India, between the English and the sultan of Myfore, is detailed with perspicuity. Of the result, it is properly obferved, that

The advantages which have accrued to the company from this treaty,' (the treaty of peace with Tippoo] 'amply appear to counterbalance the enormous expences of the war. By the acquisitions in che neighbourhood of the Carnatic, and the consequent poffeffion of the several paffes from Myfore, a considerable augmentation of revenue, and a greater protection from hostile incursions, have been obtained in a very important quarter ; while on the Malabar coat, where we owned but little before, a portion of rich territory has been allotted to us, which, exclusive of its own commercial conseo quence, by being attached to the presidency of Bombay, will at once tend to increase the security of that presidency, and enhance its value.

. The wise moderation of those councils, which directed only a partial division of the conquered countries, cannot be too much praised. For had not a sufficient extent of dominion been left to Tippoo Sultan, to make him respectable, and still in some degree formidable to his neighbours, the balance of power in India might have been again materially affected, the future adjustment of which would have led to new wars. The treaty was a return, as far as circumstances would allow, to our old and true policy.' Part i. Po 399.

The hints respecting the schemes of the late king of Swe. den against France, and the account of the assassination of that prince, are followed by these remarks:

After having nobly braved death in all its most hideous forms, both by sea and by land, in a novel species of warfare, peculiarly marked by ferocity and blood, and gloriously sustained against an enemy of infinitely superior strength, in a course of the most obstinate and desperate encounters recorded in history; after having, by the most extraordinary exertions of courage and enterprize, though left alone, and shamefully deserted by his allies, extorted a fafe and honourable peace, from this dangerous and superior enemy, after having retrieved and adorned with new glory the ancient martial character and honour of his country; after all these

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