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of the power of enthugasm? Was your ear a stranger to the fan. guage of these fancied reformers of mankind ? If your conviction is thaken by a word, why have you fentenced thousands to the scaffold for no other crime

King. I need a human being, not a Dominick

G. Inquisitor. Human beings! They are to you mere instru. ments of greatness. Must I repeat lessons of policy to my aged scholar? He, who would be an earthly deity, muít not indulge mortal desires. Remember, that to weep for human feelings, is to acknowledge others as your equals !

! King. Yes! I am but a man-I feel it. Thou requirest of the creature, what none but the Creator can accomplish.

. G. Inquisitor. No, Gre. I am not to be deceived. Your views were feen through--you would have freed yourself from our dominion. Our chains press d heavily upon you. You would be independent but we are avenged. Be thankful to the church, which punishes you with the mildness of a mother! The erring choice, which it permitted you to make, was your own chastisement. Now, that you have been instructed by experience, return; again to us! If I had not this day appear'd before you ; to-morrow, by the God that lives; fhould you have appear'd before me.

* King. Prielt! Restrain thyfelf! I will not fuffer it. I will not hear

such language. G. Inquifitor. Why, then, would you call up the spirit of Samuel? I have anointed two monarchs of this empire. I hoped the labor of my days was ended : and it pain'd me, when verging on my hundredth year, to find I had lived in vain. Pardon me, therefore, fire! and say, why was I summon’d hither? My time is precious. I wish not to repeat this interview.

King. One word—it is the last and I then all leave thee to thy higher destiny. Therefore, be peace concluded betwixt thee and me. What is past llall be forgotten: and we again are friends.

G. Inquiftor. When Philip bends fubmiffivelyKing. My son is fufpected of designs against my throne,

G, Inquifitor. On what do you resolve? King. On all, or nothing. . G. Inquifitor. What mean those words 2

King. He must escape, or die, (A pause.)-Can you invent a creed, by which the murder of a son shall be divested of its hor, ror?

G. Inquifitor. To appease eternal justice, the Son of God ex, pired upon the cross.

King. And can you fpread this creed throughout all Europe. G. Inquifitor. As widely as the cross is worshipped, King. Offended nature will not be bribed to filence.

6. G. Inquifitor. When faith commands, the voice of nature is not heard.

King. I resign to you the office of the judge, I cannot now retreat. G, Inquifitor. Let me decide upon his fate.'

P. 317. The last scene is in the queen's apartment. The hopes of emancipating Holland, of establishing toleration and liberty, have fubdued the love of Carlos; and he takes leave of Elizaheth. At this inftant the king appears ; she falls fenfeless; and he delivers over Carlos to the grand inquifitor.

This play is more perplexed in its plot than any other of Schiller's pieces, and less powerful in its effect. In many parts the hand of a master is discoverable; but, as a whole, it is inferior to all his other productions.

Both the translations are executed with spirit. We have extracted from that which has been publithed by the tranfla. tors of Fiesco, because it appears that Schilder himself approv: ed their version of that play; and it is probable that they have i bestowed the same attention upon the present piece.

Memoirs of the Life: and Administration of Sir Róbert Wals pole, Earl of Orford, with original Correspondence, &C

Concluded from Vol. XXIII. p. 389.) THE connexions of Mr. Coxe with the nobility and other persons of distinction, have favoured him with opportunities which many writers, however desirous of fuch advantages, are unable to procure. Such is the pride of aristocracy, that an author, unless introduced in form, or furnished with a regular recommendation, is not suffered to examine any papers which might contribute to the elucidation of history: even his letters are not answered, though it might be supposed that any person of a liberal mind would consider the nature of the application, and the public object which the writer has in view, as more forcibly recommendatory than the most ceremonious personal introduction, No repulse of this kind did Mr. Coxe sustain. Peers and distinguished commoners readily fubmitted their papers to his inspection ; and important documents were lavished upon him. *The first letter in the collection is dated in the last

year

of the last century, 1700, though some absurd chronologists would reckon it the first year of the present, as if a century were completed before the last day of the hundredth year.

Hare, afterwards bishop of Chichester, opens the correspondence; and feveral letters to and from the duke of Marl. borough appear early in the second volume of the work. The duke's epistles prove his illiteracy.

The unpleasant predicament in which für Robert Walpole

ftood foon after the ac. fion of George I. is thus, mentioned by him, in a letter dated from Hampton-court, Augutt

2716.

2. We are here chain'd to the oare, and working like slaves, and are look'd upon as no other ; for not only the behaviour and conduct of the prince are a weight upon us ; but the industrious représentations that are made of our being lost with the king reduces our creditt to nothing. If we are to be the king's fervants, and to be supported in serving him as king, our hands must be ftrength. enéd. A kdown division among ourselves, which common Janger, if the king pleafes, he may remedy, the appearance of a declining interest with the king, and the unalterable resentment of the prince, however at present disguis'd, againit such as he looks upon attach'd to the service of the king preferable to his intereft, leave us in a scituation scarce to be weathered through. We know of no remedy to these evills but the king's return, and if he will putt his affairs upon the same foot as formerly, there will be no difficulty in serving with the fame successe. If he is otherwise difpofed, and has thoughts of fixing another scheme of ministry, not to advise him to determine one way or other, is to betray him, for in the present state of affairs his businesse will moulder to nothing, and whilft all the world is in a gaze to see which way the wind will blow and settle, nobody cares to putt to sea in such a storm and hurricane as we are in at present,' Vol. ii. P. 64.

The negotiations with France during the administration of the duke of Orleans, are clearly stated, in letters froin fecretary Stanhope : foreign affairs are also detailed by Poyntz and Horace Walpole. The divisions of the cabinet, at the time of the removal of the viscount Townshend from the post of secretary of state, are manifested in various letters. Stanhope and fir Robert write to each other with freedom and spirit; the latter remonstrating against the ill-treatinent of the viscount.

The South-Sea scheme is the fubject of feveral epiftles, in one of which Walpole thus writes to the king :

It was with great reluctance, and in obedience only to your majesty's commands, that I was prevailed upon, to undertake any thing relating to the South Sea affairs. I am too sensible of the many difficulties, that will attend any scheme, formed to regulate the perplexed and unfortunate ftate of the South Sea company, to hope that satisfaction can be given, to the infinite number of fufferers. But the publick security, and the restoring and establishing publick credit, in which your majesty's government is so highly concerned, are first to be consulted, and this I hope, may by this. means be effectually settled and secured. A due and compassionate regard is to be Mewn to the losses of private men, and all that I conceive can be expected, is to give some ease and relief to the

present unhappy circumstances, in which great numbers are now involved; but it seems to me imposible, so far to repair every man's lotes, that a great many will not still remain confiderable losers, An attempt to raise the stock to a higher value than it can be supported at, would only involve a new set of persons in the misfortunes, that others at present labour under, and expose the publick to the great loss, that will be sustain'd by foreigners selling out at high prices, and exporting our gold and silver. And what I desire your majesty may be observed thro' this scheme, is, that I take every thing as I found it, and do, nothing to alter any man's circumstances, but by an accession of profit, from the bank and India company, and by an impartial distribution of the whole, as it now appears, from the public transactions of the company; and have carefully avoided, either to inforce or release any publick or private contract or obligation, or to ease or relieve any one fort of adventurers, at the loss and expence of another." Vol. ij. P.

197: Letters to and from bishop Atterbury follow; but, as the treafonable intrigues of that prelate are no longer doubted, we thall proceed to other parts of the correspondence.'

Many èpistles from lord Townshend, after his restoration to tlie office of fecretary, illustrate the politics of the cabinet: The letters of this nobleman afford some indications of that frank and manly temper which his adversaries termed an overbearing spirité He and fır Robert found lord Carteret a trous blesome rival af court ; but they maintained their influence, notwithstanding all the arts and intrigues of those who wished to supplant them. : The letters which relate to the copper coinage of Ireland are too numerous, as some of them are unimportant. Letters concerning the disturbances in Scotland follow. In one of these, it is said, that Mr. Dundas is the spring' of the sedition. This is very different conduct from that of the present Mr. Dundas, whose commanding influence is employed in checking all approaches to sedition, and even all murmurs, among the Scots,

From the intercepted correspondence of several foreign minifters, it appears that the German counsellors of George I. caballed with the emperor and the English leaders of oppofition against the treaty of Hanover, which they considered as in a manner forced upon the king by Townshend and Walz pole.

Many notes which paffed between George II. and lord Townshend are here published. Of the bill which the commons passed in 1730 for the exclusion of placemen and pena honers, his inajesty thus fpeaks.

As to this villainous bill, I have seen a great many lords who are all zealously against it, in every part of il. I don't doubt but

1

you will tear it to pieces in every particular, not only in relation to the gratuities, but also to the oths, and pensions, knowing very well, that if all the different clauses of it are abused and run down, the commons won't attempt it another time; and the fooner it is thrown out the better. Vol. ii. P. 537.

This interference with the progress of a bill, and this warm reprobation of a justifiable measure, do not reflect credit on the king's character.

In another note, the warlike monarch coinplains of the pacific temper of cardinal' Fleury. .:'Should this be delay'd, a great deal of time may be loft, particularly when I consider the slowness and irresolution of the cardi. nal, who is allways prepossessed against any thing that looks like war, and who has Chauvelin about him, who is allways willing to ftop any thing that is for my advantage.' Vol. ü. P. 539.

A dispatch prepared by lord Townshend for Holland is applauded by the king in these terms:

This letter is writ in the best ftile in the world, and hope will have a very good effect. I wish you would only add a word, of the satisfaction I have about the declaration the pensionary has made about Bremen and Verden, and defire him to be fteady in this point, as well as those relating to this kingdom, which you have represented very strongly to him.' Vol. ii. P. 539.

The state of parliamentary politics, at the time of the con clusion of the unpopular treaty of Seville, is described by Horace Walpole with some asperity of remark.

• The opponents of the ministers had' entertained such a fanguine and certain persuasion, that it would be impossible to have a peace with Spain, and consequently that the British commerce would have still continued in an uncertain and precarious flate, without satisfaction or revenge; that they had concerted their mea. fures, to call the ministers to an account, for their indolence and neglect in suffering fo patiently the insults of the Spanyards; and as this was a very popular point, to a nation jealous of their honour, as well as of their privileges of trade, it had created a great ferment among all forts of people, gentlemen as well as merchants. In order, therefore, to distress the administratio), the discontented whigs had concerted a perfect coalition with the torys of all degrees, and it was agreed to act heartily and vigorously in the fame opposition ; and that for that purpose, a summons fiould be made of all the torys to be present, without suffering any excuse; and this was pursued with foe much zeal, that I believe there has been in town this year' (1730), « above 110 torys, which is within a very few of the whole number elected.

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