to the Sovereign. But its use has not been confined to the offences of Ministers. The proceedings are long and cumbrous, and have often been used for "party" or merely political purposes. 2. The second and most important mode in which the House of Lords acts as a Court of Justice is when it sits as a Court of Appeal from the judgments of almost all other Courts of Justice. On the trial of an Appeal every Peer has, strictly speaking, a right to be present and take part; but, in fact, it is now a fixed custom for only a very few members of the House to take part in these trials, that is, the members who have been judges before they entered the House, or still are Judges in some of the Superior Courts. Thus not more than seven or eight Peers, at the most, ever act as this Court of Appeal. This Appeal Jurisdiction is shortly to be abolished. In order to understand the present state of the House of Lords, it is necessary to say something of the current objections that are made to its constitution, and of the remedies that are suggested. It is felt by some that as the large bulk of the members of the House of Lords become such only through Birth, there is no security afforded for the wisdom, patriotism, activity or general fitness of the members. It is true that some Peers are very active and public-spirited, but others, again, are indolent and careless of their duties. Again, as a matter of fact, the House of Lords generally takes little part in public business, sits only a short time each day, and commands a very small share of public confidence. There is, furthermore, a very strong "stationary" element in it, that is, there are a large number of members who are indisposed to make any change whatever in existing institutions. In consequence of this, a Bill has often to be passed over and over again in successive sessions in the House of Commons before it is finally adopted by the House of Lords. On the other hand, it is felt that it is better to have two Chambers or Assemblies than only one. It is better to have a matter considered twice over by bodies of persons elected on different principles rather than to run the risk of a great change in the Law being inconsiderately made by one body of persons alone, acting (it may be) under some special and temporary influences. It is also felt by some that there ought to be some Assembly distinctly representing nothing else than the old traditional or historical associations of the country, and also what is called the "Landed Interest," - that is, the interests of the persons who own most of the national soil or land. The following remedies have been suggested, and are now occupying a good deal of attention : (1.) The appointment of a certain number of "Life Peers," — that is, persons chosen to sit in the House of Lords for their own lives without handing down their right to their children and descendants, and chosen for their conspicuous and tried ability in the Public Service or in Science, Literature, or Art. (2.) The exclusion from the House of Lords of all the Bishops and Archbishops, as generally being the most "Conservative " body in the House, that is, the body most averse to political changes. This might be accompanied by (1). (3.) The permission to the House of Commons themselves to nominate some of their own members as members of the House of Lords. This might be accompanied by (1) and (2). (4.) The Election of members of the House of Lords by the population of the country on the same principle as that on which the members of the House of Commons are elected, though on a different basis, -as, for instance, that only persons having so much money or land could be elected or vote at elections. This method is adopted in some British Colonies. It might be compounded with (1), (2) and (3). The members so elected might sit for a longer or a shorter number of years than do the members of the House of Commons. THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. The House of Commons has now been for a very long time the most important branch of the Legislature. It consists wholly of Members elected by different classes of the people, the whole number of Members being now 658, comprising those elected by "Constituencies" (or bodies of persons entitled to elect each one, two, or three members) English, Welsh, Scotch and Irish. The important points to be attended to are :- 1. The Places Represented. 2. The Qualifications of Electors. 3. The Mode of Election, and the Penalties for Bribery or Paying for Votes. 4. The Qualifications of Members. 1.-As to the Places Represented. These places are (1) Counties, (2) Towns or Boroughs, and (3) Universities, or the chief seats of Public Education, and these are all represented in England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. In the history of the House of Commons the places represented have varied a great deal, according to their changing size and importance. When a town loses its importance or becomes smaller, or is proved to have had bribery very extensively practised in it, it is sometimes " disfranchised," or loses its right to return a Member, or so many Members, to the House of Commons. On the other hand, if a town increases in importance, or grows into importance for the first time, it is allowed to return more Members, or one Member at least (if it returned none before). This, with other changes in the representation, is effected by a "Reform Act," or law enacted for the purpose. The chief Acts of this kind were passed in the years 1832 and 1867. Sometimes a County is allowed to return more Members or fewer than it did before, or it is broken up into two or three or more different constituencies, each returning two or three Members. This choice of the places and their size, and the number of the representatives to be chosen, is always a matter of great difficulty and importance, and when a change is contemplated (which does not often take place) it gives rise to great discussion. The larger towns sometimes return three or four Members; and London is divided into several constituencies, each represented by two or more Members. It thus comes about that every member of the House of Commons is closely connected with a body of persons living in, or having property in, or (as with the Universities) related to, some definite place. It is generally believed that County constituencies are less favourable to political improvements than Borough constituencies; and this might be expected, as the dwellers in the larger towns are generally better educated, more closely connected together, and more active-minded than the residents in the country. The opposite tastes and opinions of the Members representing Town and Country constituencies in the House of Commons give rise to much of the difference of opinion there, and to the great "party" struggles in the debates which decide who shall be the Cabinet Ministers and conduct the Executive Government in the name of the Crown. 2. Qualification of Electors. The question of who shall be entitled to vote for Members of Parliament is a matter of the utmost importance, and has been settled by several acts of Parliament, the most important modern ones being the Reform Acts of 1832 and 1867. Generally, the qualifications are being a male of 21 years of age, and either having property in land or buildings of a certain amount, with living in a certain settled residence for at least 12 months previous to being registered as a voter. More particularly, the qualifications as settled by the last Act (1867) are: I. For voting in Boroughs. 1. Occupying a dwelling-house within the borough as 2. Occupying "lodgings" or part of a dwelling-house in II. For voting in Counties. 1. Owning land or buildings for life or for the life of some 2. Owning land or buildings not a freehold, that is, owning III. For voting in Universities. Being a member of the Senate, that is, having passed There are two movements in the country for a change in the qualification of electors of the House of Commons:-(1) the one having for its purpose to enable all men to vote (whatever property they have) if of the proper age and not otherwise incompetent; (2) the other having for its purpose to enable women to vote on the same principles as men vote, and with the same qualification. As to the first suggestion, it is said that every one who pays taxes and is affected by the law ought to have a voice in fixing the taxes to be imposed and in making the law. To this it is answered that the present system, which includes all occupiers and all the better class of lodgers, includes all the persons who are likely to be educated enough to know the meaning of a vote and to use it independently and honestly. When education is more universal it may become safe to lower the franchise still more, and not require even so high a qualification as even a £10 lodging implies. i |