him to continue to us his gracious favour. Meanwhile, with respect to the books of which your blessedness wrote to me, I do not think that I can satisfy you. If I can do anything I will communicate with my most kind friend, protector, and patron, Thomas Rowe, your most prudent ambassador at this court, and by him you shall be acquainted with my success. In conclusion, I pray the good and great God to grant your blessedness a long life for the good of the church, and to deliver you from all evil; and in turn I request of your blessedness to intercede with the Lord for me in your prayers, that, if possible, I may escape, and not be swallowed up by the violent persecutors of the truth. May your blessedness be in good health."

An unpractised observer would feel surprise that in a letter written at so critical a period, no direct request should be made for the protection of the British crown in this emergency; but, no doubt, this letter was intended to request the archbishop's interest with the king for this special purpose, although Greek caution and timidity prevented the request from being expressed in words, lest the letter should fall into the hands of the 'I'urkish government. And we must, no doubt, attribute it to the strenuous exercise of British and Dutch influence that the papal project was so totally defeated.

There can be but little doubt that there had been more intercourse with England than we have found any record of; for there had now been residing in England for several years a monk, by name Nicodemus Metaxa, a native of Cephalonia, who had been learning there the art of printing. In the summer of this year (1627) he returned to hisown country, in an English vessel, bringing with him a fount of types, cast at his own expense, in order to set up a printing establishment at Constantinople, for the enlightenment of his countrymen, who were buried in ignorance, for want of the ordinary means of acquiring knowledge. He likewise brought with him various books printed in London. On his landing he repaired to the patriarch, and represented to him his zeal for the good of the church, and by that means procured for himself an introduction, through the Archbishop of Corinth, to the English ambassador, who was requested to claim Metaxa's effects, and have them conveyed to his residence, lest they should be seized by the jealous Turks. The ambassador perceived that he should involve himself in interminable trouble and turmoil by such a step, and at first hesitated to comply. But, upon the further request of Cyril and of Gelasius, Patriarch of Alexandria, who was there upon business, backed by the representations of M. Von Haga, the Dutch ambassador, he consented. So he waited upon the vizier, and having obtained a firman, he removed the whole of the printer's stock, not to his own residence, which had been the request of the patriarch, but into a house which he purchased, and thus placed under British protection, near the residence of the French ambassador, from whom he did not dream of any hindrance to so good and Christian a work.

Metaxa had scarcely got to work when the Jesuits began to endeavour to bring him over to their interest; inviting him to the monastery, and representing to him that the ill odour in which he was, from having studied in England, would be removed if he would join their

party. But not prevailing, they then began to abuse him as a heretic, because his types were marked with the arms of England, which appeared likewise at the beginning and end of his books. But the great cause of their indignation was a book which he had printed, against the papal supremacy, written by Milesius, Patriarch of Alexandria. And the poor printer's life was so threatened that Sir Thomas Rowe gave him a sleeping room at his own residence.

The first book which Cyril employed him to print was a little catechism, intended to contain nothing controversial, but simply the elements of the Christian faith, as taught in the Greek church. He had drawn it up to vindicate himself from the accusations of his adversaries, as though he had introduced new doctrines into the church, and had intended to send it into England to be printed, (as he had done a former treatise of his,) with a dedication to King James. Circumstances having now changed, he determined to print it at Constantinople, with a dedication to King Charles I. This extremely nettled the popish party, and as they could make no handle of the catechism, they managed to get hold of the other tract of Cyril's, "On the Divinity of Christ against the Jews and Mahometans." On the strength of this they prevailed upon a favourite of the vizier's to represent to him that Metaxa was an English emissary, sent to instigate the Greeks to rebellion; and that, under pretext of printing children's books, he was really employed to disseminate treatises against the Koran, brought from England, multitudes of which had been sent to the Cossacks, to bring about a rising of them as soon as the Sultan was gone away into Asia Minor.

The vizier took alarm, and determined upon seizing Metaxa in the very fact of printing a book against the law of Mahomet. For this purpose he ordered an officer of janizaries with near one hundred and fifty men to be ready at a certain day to surround the house; and, at the instigation of the French ambassador, he fixed on Twelfth Day, when Sir Thomas Rowe had a dinner party, to which he had invited the patriarch and the Venetian bailie, (a Roman-catholic, but a moderate man,) in order, as Count Cesi said, that the English ambassador and his friends might have sauce to their dinner.

Accordingly, on the day appointed, as Metaxa and his friend, the secretary of the English embassy, were returning from church, they found the house surrounded by a mob of soldiers. His servants, to save themselves, pointed out their master; but, as he luckily was . dressed like an Englishman, the secretary declared that he belonged to the embassy, and so he was allowed to withdraw with his friends; and no doubt right glad he was to find himself at the hotel of the embassy safe and sound. When the officer of janizaries found that he had got off, he seized and bound all his servants, broke open his coffers and clothes presses, and carried off all his furniture, forms, types, paper, books, plate, money, clothes, and moveables of every kind.

The English ambassador, although highly offended, determined that he would not give his enemies the power of enjoying his annoyance, and therefore spent the evening cheerfully with his friends. Mean

while, every sort of rumour spread like wildfire, the report of which so alarmed the patriarch that he did not venture home that night. Next day the Jesuits were busily employed in pointing out to the vizier and mollahs the passages in the patriarch's book which were directed against Mahometanism. Nothing, however, appeared which seemed to them at all treasonable; and the passages in question were referred to the mufti for his decision. The patriarch was, meanwhile, summoned, and many charges brought against him; but, happily, none of them could be substantiated. Still, as Metaxa was charged in concert with the English ambassador, with endeavouring to incite the Cossacks to a rebellion, and the arms of England appeared on his books, the vizier was not satisfied to let him go free.

The opinion of the mufti, however, greatly shook his reliance upon the justice of the step he had taken. It was to the following effect: "That doctrines contrary to the Mahometan religion were not necessarily blasphemous and criminal; and that, as the sultan permitted the Christians to profess their doctrines, there was no more criminality in printing what they believed than in preaching it; and that it was not difference of opinion, but public offence, which could render men liable to legal punishment."

This being the only article of the charge which appeared supported by any evidence, when it fell to the ground the rest appeared weaker than before, and prepared the vizier for still further concessions. Meanwhile Cannachio Rossi, who had formerly attempted to corrupt the patriarch, thinking that he would be in no small alarm, paid him a visit, to triumph over him in his affliction, and to frighten him into retracting his book, and throwing himself into the hands of the French. It does not appear that Cyril made him any reply.

Two days after the disturbances, Sir Thomas Rowe waited upon the vizier in form, to represent to him the great wrong he had done in suspecting the conduct and seizing the property of a guest of his, and a subject of Venice, by whose bailie he had been specially recommended to his protection, and to whom the vizier himself had given permission both to bring his effects on shore, and to exercise his trade; and all at the instigation of parties whose arts and characters he well knew; an action, he said, which he would repent of when it was too late. The vizier, whose mind was, no doubt, prepared by the decision of the mufti to see himself in the wrong, endeavoured to cast all the

blame upon the accusers. But Sir Thomas carried matters with a high hand, and declared that he should not be satisfied until Metaxa had his effects restored to him, his character cleared, and the malicious authors of the mischief severely punished. He, moreover, restored the patriarch to the good opinion both of the vizier and of the mufti, by clearing him, and pointing out the frauds of his enemies.

The next packet brought intelligence which determined Cyril upon taking much stronger measures than he had yet adopted. It brought the proceedings of a consistory at Rome, in which it was determined, on account of his obstinacy in holding intercourse with Calvinists and sending young men to be instructed in their schools, to accuse him of revolutionary principles and an intention of exciting an insurrection

against the sultan. Feeling, therefore, that he should never be free from this annoyance, and encouraged, it is said, by Sir T. Rowe, who was reported to be greatly incensed at Canacchio Rossi for having called the king his master the head of the heretics, he determined to make an effort for the total expulsion of the Jesuits. Indeed, the English ambassador made a point of shewing his displeasure against the Jesuits, and their friend the French ambassador, and of countenancing Cyril, both by his interest with the Porte, and by going abroad more frequently than usual, and always in company with the patri

arch.

Hereupon the Jesuits retired to the residence of the French ambassador, and remained there for a fortnight, until they thought the storm had blown over. But they had no sooner returned to their convent than they were apprehended by the officers of justice, and cast into prison, together with Canacchio Rossi, their friend; their church shut up; their books all carried off and delivered to the vizier; nor could all the efforts of the French ambassador procure even a hearing for himself. When they had been a month in prison, at the intercession of the English ambassador and the patriarch, they were released, and all their books restored, on condition that they should immediately quit the Ottoman dominions, never more to return. Not only so, but orders were issued to break up all the Jesuit settlements at Chios, Smyrna, Aleppo, and Cyprus. Accordingly they were shipped off to Chios, and there put on board a Christian vessel, which brought them safe back to Italy.

Two, however, of their body managed to take refuge in the French ambassador's house, and a good while afterwards he obtained permission for them, as his chaplains, to occupy their former church, and to perform acts of Divine service there.*

Soon after these circumstances (A.D. 1628) Sir Thomas Rowe returned to England, and Cyril took occasion to shew his gratitude to him, and to the monarch whose representative he was, by presenting to King Charles I. that most precious MS. of the Septuagint, commonly called the Alexandrian, well known as one of the only two very ancient MSS. of that version existing in Europe-the Vatican being the other. He had purchased it whilst studying at Mount Athos, in the early part of his life, had taken it with him to Alexandria, and from thence had brought it to Constantinople. It is evident from a former letter that he never contemplated parting with it; but the service lately rendered to him and to his church was so essential, that he now resolved to sacrifice this, his most cherished treasure, to shew his gratitude in the strongest manner.

The departure of Sir Thomas Rowe did not deprive Cyril of British protection, which was continued under his successor, Sir Peter Wych, although he did not take so active a part as his predecessor. For some years he continued in comparative quiet, but not without dis

*We here take leave of the" Narratio," and depend upon Smith and the notes of Aymon, checked by Simon's "Critical History of the Religion of the Eastern Nations." -pp. 46-50.

turbance. Joasaph, Archbishop of Philippopoli, struck at him, but missed his blow. Isaac, Metropolitan of Chalcedon, who had espoused the Romish interest, was likewise brought forward against him, with the offer of twenty thousand dollars to the Porte if he were elected; but a fortunate accident prevented the success of the party at that time. It happened that whilst the proceeding was in agitation, a favourite page of the sultan was killed in his presence, which struck him as a bad omen of the issue of his intention; and thus, concurring with the solicitations of the Greeks in favour of Cyril, he was continued in his place, on condition that the same sum was paid to the imperial exchequer, which was offered by the opposite party.

When the printing establishment of Metaxa was broken up, Cyril was engaged in printing his "Confession of Faith," which he drew up" to exhibit to inquirers respecting the faith and worship of the Greeks, or Eastern church, a true account of their opinions concerning the orthodox faith." It was comprised under eighteen articles, which take up the following subjects:-1. The Holy Trinity; 2. Holy Scripture; 3. Predestination and Election; 4. The Origin of Evil: 5. On the Ways of God; 6. Original Sin; 7. Jesus Christ, his Incarnation, Birth, Life, Death, Resurrection, and coming to Judgment; 8. Jesus Christ the Sole Mediator; 9. Faith; 10. The Church; 11. The Members of the Church; 12. The Holy Ghost the Guide of the Church; 13. Justification by Faith through Christ; 14. Free Will; 15. The Sacraments; 16. Baptism; 17. The Eucharist; 18. The Intermediate State.

This "Confession" exhibits a considerable and marked change in the tone of mind of Cyril since the time when he wrote his former "Confession" for the satisfaction of M. Uytenbogaert, and approaches much more nearly to the statements and expressions of the continental reformers. This change no doubt arose from the course of reading which he had since that time pursued. We may remember that even then he had shewn a willingness to read the writings which the Dutch divine might select for him; and that during his residence at Alexandria he had perused a good many lent to him by M. Van Wilhelm. Since his accession to the chair of Constantinople, M. Von Haga had procured for him, at the expense of the states-general, enough (as M. Simon expresses it) to pervert the whole of the eastern churches. It is not, therefore, surprising that his mind should have become much more cast in that mould than it was sixteen years before, when he was comparatively unacquainted with any of their writings. We shall endeavour to point out those changes, as they, no doubt, exercised a material influence on the remaining portion of his life.

1. On the Holy Trinity he adheres to the Greek doctrine that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father by the Son.

2. He declares the authority of Holy Scripture to be superior to that of the church, without any allusion to the function of the church as a judge of controversy. 3. He declares that the elect were predestinated to glory before the foundation of the world, without any re

* See Aymon, p. 237.