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tim. The grievances alledged have been again and again stated in the course of the publications on both fides of the dispute between Great Britain and her colonies, and therefore it would be quite unnecessary to resume them here. "Upon the whole, says the author in the close of his pamphlet, the trade of America is really the trade of Great Britain herself; the profits thereof center there: it is one grand source from whence money fo plentifully flows into the hands of the several manufactures, and from thence into the coffers of landbolders through. out the whole kingdom : It is, in short, the strongest chain of conneciion between Britain and the colonies, and the principal means whereby those fources of wealth and power have beer, and are, so useful and advantageous to her. The embarraitments, difficulties, and insupportable burdens under which this trade has laboured, have already made us prudent, frugal, and industrious; and such a spirit in the colonists must foon, very soon, enable them to subsist without the manufa&ures of Great Britain, the trade of which, as well as its naval power, has been greatly promoted and strengthened by the luxury of the colonies; consequently any measures that have a tendency to injure, obstruct, and diminish the American trade and navi. gation, must have the same effect upon that of Great Britain, and, in all probability, prove her Ruin.'.
These are very just and proper deductions, and we cannot make the least doubt that the government of Great Britain has too great a regard for its own interest to take the least step to injure the merchants of Boston ; but at the same time, thore merchants ought to remember that England is not only their mother but their sovereign. 14. Reflections Moral and Political on Great Britain and her Co.
lonies. 8vo. Pr. Is. Becket. This serious, sensible writer, is a friend to the existence of a censorial power in the English constitution. The chief remains, says he, of this kind of moral jurisdiction among us, are the thanks or censure of the house of coinmons, together with the expulsion of such of their own meinbers as appear unworthy : take away this power, and vice (except crimes fpecified by law) has no check, but publick opinion. If the house of commons was to be over-ruled by either, or both the other branches of the legislature, in matters relating to its own members, it would immediately fall into contempt, and the dignity of every British com toner would fall in like manner.
. I believe it will from hence follow, that liberty is not endangered, but, on the contrary, rendered more firm and per. manent, when regulated by morality; and consequently, that
there is no real cause of fear for liberty, from a late expulfion, resolved upon in an assembly representing a!l the commons of Great Britain, after a legal conviction of crimes.
. From the noise however that has been made about it, and some accidents, which formerly would only have been looked upon (in their true light) as cafualties, it seems there was a disposition to complain ; and where that is the case, men catch at the first shadow of a reafon to express their dislike. Few common people are capable of comprehending the various interests which must interfere in so extensive an empire as that of Great Britain ; and each would have his own preferred in particular. The parliament must arrange them in such manner as may best contribute to the good of the whole. There is also a great public debt to be discharged, and taxes are the necessary consequence.'
Our author laments the practice of making clergymen jur. tices of the peace, which he thinks is the effect of a diminution of freeholders in the country. "There is, says he, an apparent difference between the divine and human laws. A clergyman, as minister, tells his parishioner that he must forgive injuries; as juffice of the peace, he tells him he must prosecute them ; and if the complainant refuses, he must, in some cases, compel him.' We have, likewise, in this publication, many ftrenuous arguments in defence of a late expulfion, and in vindication of the mother country of Eng. land, and her superioriority over her colonies: but as those subjects have been of late so fully discussed, it is sufficient that we heartily recommend this pamphlet to the public perusal.
15. Rodondo; or the State Jugglers, Canto III. 8vo. Pr. is.
Nicoll. The alterations that have happened in men, measures, and opinions, since the publication of the first and second cantos of this truly Hudibrastic poem *, have, we own, unexpectedly to us, fully justified the author in his choice of objects for saa tire. The following specimen will few how well this canto answers the two foregoing.
" had Rodondo laid his poll
* See Vol. xv. p. 126,
So, if you take them in dry weather,
• Mean time the gout, with B-ce in league,
The articles who will may read.' The articles of the surrender are full of humour ; but, as it is not our province to explain them, we must refer to the . original. 16. The Temple of Corruption, à Prem. By W. Churchill. 410.
Pr. 25, 6d. Flexney. Corruption indeed! of all poetry, wit, and huinour. Whether this bard is brother to Charles Churchill by nature or by adoption, is of little or no consequence either to us or the public. It is plain, he possesses all his imperfections without the least spark of his genius. Or rather, he writes in Charles's worst manner, which is harsh and disagreeable. What but the demon of dulness could have dictated the following lines.
• Great and laborious is the monarch's talk:
Study, deep study, should inform his inind :
Hist'ry's instructive leaf he must turn o'er;
17. An Epiftle to Lord Holland. 4to. Pr. Is. Brown. If this poet is a young man, he ought, as good jockies do by their horses, take great care of his Muse's wind. She is mettlesome, but he has rather made too free with her in this epistle, which contains little more than the common topics of abuse and panegyric, without much originality in either.
Where is now the modern bard in politics who does not take the field, sometimes armed with the thunder of Jove to blast his country's foes, sometimes with the drummers cat o’nine-tails to lash her fools, or both.-A word in your ear, friends.-Let vice and folly feel ye, but without puffing and parade, without throwing your squibs, or cracking your whips, which serve only to make ye ridiculous.
If any of our late publications have a right to those flourishes it is that before us. The author's numbers are harmo. nious and pleasing. He is not without the powers of reflection, and his intention seems to be honest, as may appear from the following quotation.
• The tyrant mob no contradi&ions bear,
• What, though to you no busts or statues rife,
What is it all : It is the breath of fools,
18. The Dialogue. Addreflid 10 John Wilkes, Esdi 4t0. Price
• 15. 6d. Wilkie. This is a proper example of the poetical volunteers fpecie fied under the last article. Thcir method is generally to fritter the two first lines of Juvenal's first satire into rags, and being brimful of indignation, to be surprized that some other poer does not snatch up the bolt or the lash ; " but, however, says our bard, I'll do the best I can, rather than such doings Mall go unpunished. I am a volunteer in the service.” Reader, attend to the genius before us.
• Yet starting from the Chades of obscure night,
Yes, from his den, where lurking to betray,
I'll wait, no bidden guest, and feed his care ! For the character of this dialogue, fee the preceding article ; though we think it is inferior in point of execution. 19. Songs, Choruffes, &c. As they are performed in the new Ener
tainment of Harlequin's Jubilee, at the Theatre-Royal, in Covent-Garden. 8vo. Pr.6d. Griffin.
We must refer the music of those songs to the criticism of the orchestra. As to the words, they seem to be well adapted to the occasion; but the piece itself is too short to admit of making any extract. L 2