REVIEW OF LITERATURE.

If a man will start from the crowd, jump on the literary pedestal, and put himself in the attitude of Apollo, he has no right to complain if his proportions are examined with rigour; if comparisons are drawn to his disadvantage; or if, on being found glaringly defective, he is hooted from a station, which he has so unnecessarily and injudiciously assumed."

A Letter from Sir Philip Francis, K. B. to Lord Viscount Howick, on the State of the East India Company. 8vo. 1s. Ridgway,

1807.

THE observations, which we mean to offer to the public on this most important and interesting little tract, cannot be better introduced than by a quotation from another work of greater extent, which has lately appeared, and which we may possibly review hereafter, entitled "Considerations upon the Trade with India.” The author of it, who appears to us to know perfectly well what he is about, has pledged himself in some sort to the public for the truth of the following declarations, which we shall quote in his words, viz,

"I purposely forbear from any discussion of the transactions between 1767 and 1785. Commerce seemed to be little in view. During that period the company was, at different times, brought to the bar of the nation as a criminal and a delinquent. Though they escaped the forfeitures they had incurred, they were always dismissed under strong, though inadequate securities for their good behaviour.

"Their affairs, since 1785, have fallen into a form of more quiet and regular mismanagement. Their misconduct and their embarrassments now excite less eclat. They seem, indeed, to have acquired a sort of prescriptive right to dilapidate the national resources and their own. Their affairs too are involved in a degree of obscurity, notwithstanding the parliamentary review to which they are annually subject, that few understand them, and almost all revolt from the attempt to learn. People, indeed, seem to wait quietly for that inevitable crash, which will rouse attention, or for some measure, which, proposing to apply the national resources to the company's aid, will display the juggle and the fraud of that institution to every man in the empire. That period is fast approaching." Quarto, p. 32.

Of Sir Philip Francis we have no right or inclination to speak

but as of a public person. In that character his merits and services are known to this country; and it is in behalf of the public only that we lament and complain that the knowledge, the experience, and the sound principles of government by which this gentleman's whole parliamentary life has been distinguished, should have been discarded, as they have been, from the public service, particularly in that line, in which his talents were most wanted, and might have been most eminently useful. In the parliamentary debates of 25th February, 1806, Mr. Fox declared himself with uncommon emphasis, to the same effect. He said, "I cannot avoid paying that tribute of praise to the industry, perseverance, and clear-sighted policy of my honourable friend, on questions relative to India, which they so much deserve. In my opinion there is no one subject of his majesty, or in all his dominions, whose merit, with regard to the affairs of India, can be put in competition with that of my honourable friend." His dismission of such a man is yet to be explained on principles of duty to the public. At present it seems to us to have left a stain on his memory, which can never be effaced. An explanation of that transaction would come most properly from some friend of Mr. Fox; if not, we hope that some day or other we shall receive it from Sir Philip Francis himself.

We should not have said so much on a point which, at first sight, may seem to be personal, if we had not wished to add as many excitements as possible to the general attention due to the tract before us, by urging the weight and authority, which belong to the person who brings it forward,

On a subject purely of figures and finance, we do not hold ourselves competent to pronounce judgement; but, as critics, we may say that the clearness and simplicity, with which the financial affairs of the East India Company are here stated, are equal to the importance of the case. Of the truth of the facts, considering the authority of the writer, and the evidence he appeals to, we can have no doubt. If Sir Philip Francis had waited for the event before he stated the case, his merit would not have been very considerable. But parliament and the nation know that, from year to year, since 1784, he has regularly and constantly stated, with unexampled perseverance, the abuses in the government of India, and the fallacy of all the promises held out to the public; that he incessantly warned the India Company of the consequences, and predicted the result.

He now affirms that in July, 1806, the company's debt in India was by general admission estimated at thirty millions sterling, that their "estimated revenue in India for the year 1805-6, fell short of the estimated charges of that year to the amount of £.2,655,957," p. 9. and that, by the estimate of their home account for the current year, ending in March, 1808, the balance against them, or the deficiency of their receipts compared with their payments in England, would amount to £.2,213,796. That, în these circumstances, aggravated by a great accumulation of debt at home, a general court of proprietors, on the 17th of June, 1807, resolved, as they have done for many years successively, that the half yearly dividend on their capital shall be 54 per cent. or 10 per annum." P. 14. He then says—

"Will he House of Commons permit the India Company to vote dividends to themselves, not only without a surplus to divide, but without assets of any kind? The plain and obvious question to be asked, and which the directors should be compelled to answer distinctly, is-Out of what fund do you propose to pay the dividend you have now voted? The result of that single question may possibly shew that either the proprietors of India stock must go without a dividend, or that they must receive it from parliament out of taxes to be raised on the community. Expedients may be found to disguise or perplex this conclusion, but this in fact will and must be the conclusion. Their debts also, which at home at least are very pressing, must be paid by the public, or not paid at all." P. 15.

In the conclusion he argues the question of the competence of parliament to" feed and support,” a bankrupt at the expence of the public, p. 19, or rather, we should say, that the questions he proposes are equivalent to arguments, which we believe it to be impossible to answer. At all events, it is not the India Company only which is concerned in this discussion. The public credit of the country is not much more than sufficiently strong to support itself. If the debts and distresses of the India Company are to be added to those of the nation, the fate of the public creditor may be decided by an act, which, as to him, will be a breach of parliamentary faith. Because every addition to the public debt creates a new charge on the public revenue, and so far forth diminishes the security of the former creditor.

Of Sir Philip Francis's style we have already given our opinion. (See No. 131, O. S.) It appears to us eminently and xar' sžoxnv

pellucid. Let the subject be what it may, he makes it plain and intelligible; and this he does with such simplicity of expression, that any man, not much used to writing, would be apt to flatter himself he could write just as well on the same topics; ut quivis speret idem.

To illustrate our opinion on this point, and to give a specimen of the vigour and animation of the style we admire, we cannot do better than conclude this article with a quotation from a speech of Sir Philip Francis on the same subject, which appears in the debates of 25th February, 1806.

"When the India Company determined to be sovereigns instead of merchants, or to unite in the company those two incom patible characters, what could they expect, but, whether they liked it or not, to be made warriors and conquerors? that is, that their pretended servants in India, over whom they had no controul, nor real authority, would pursue the old game of war and conquest in their name, at their expence, and finally to their destruction. Look at this result in another point of view; and, if it be not too late, learn wisdom at last from the awful lesson, which the state of your connexions with the eastern world ought to have taught you long ago. In that part of Asia, in which the India Company has been a sovereign, a warrior, and a conqueror, they cannot trade without loss. The sale of th their Indian investment, to say the best of it, after paying prime cost, interest, freight, insurance, duties, and charges of merchandize, leaves no profit. Now look to China, where they have no territorial revenues; where they have made no war; and where, I hope, even for their own sake, they will never make a conquest. With that country only, they carry on a beneficial trade. From that trade only, they derive the only profits that enable them to exist in Leadenhall-street."

Some Account of New Zealand, particularly the Bay of Islands, and surrounding Country; with a Description of the Religion and Government, Language, Arts, &c. of the Natives. By John Savage, Esq. Surgeon. 8vo. pp. 110. 5s. 6d. Murray. 1807. NEW ZEALAND lies in 34 deg. 25 min. south latitude, and has in some measure been described by Cook, when in his circumnavigation he visited the Pacific Ocean. The parts of New Zea land spoken of by him, however, are very remote from those

which Mr. Savage has here brought before us. His reasons for the present, publication are adduced in the preface.

"During his stay at New Zealand, he made some observations respecting the country and its inhabitants, which were committed to paper; he also brought a native of the island to England, who supplied him with much information upon those subjects."

Its more immediate usefulness will be found in " that part of the work, in which he has given directions for sailing into the Bay of Islands, with delineations of head-lands, which will, he hopes, be deemed of some importance, as it may be of use to persons whose pursuits lead them to visit this excellent harbour." Pref.

With this more important matter, he mingles, as he tells us, and we have no reason to doubt it, a faithful description of the country, religion, government, arts, manners and customs of the inhabitants. From these we shall extract what we think most curious and interesting to the reader.

New Zealand has been described as a country peopled by a race of canibals, but he found the inhabitants of the Bay of Islands with no symptoms of savage ferocity; their ground cultivated, and thatched huts erected. When at anchor in this fine harbour, he recommends that permission be given to some of the natives to come aboard, but not in too great numbers, and never without the provision of fire-arms, as one instance has occurred of their attempting to take a ship." The temptation to obtain iron is to them irresistible. Their firs grow to an amazing height, and are of such dimensions, as to form canoes to contain each thirty persons. Their flax is of a superior quality, and beautifully silky. They have an abundance of fish and potatoes; previously to the introduction of potatoes, the root of the fern was almost their only esculent vegetable. To the botanist is here opened a rich field for study, and although the natives are unacquainted with the existence of metal of any kind in New Zealand, Mr Savage thinks there is every appearance of a great scope for mineralogical investigation.

The capital of this part of the country is called Tippoonah, and the chieftain, who resides here on an island, is named Tippeehee. He has "a well-constructed dwelling, and a large collection of spears, war-mats, and other valuables." His severity, with regard to unsuitable alliances, is still seen in the shape of "a dove cote, standing on a single post, and not larger than dove cotes