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fyftem of fecurity, which we find was fo generally adopted by the upper ranks of fociety, that "in the turbulent reign of King Stephen eleven hundred and fifteen caftles are faid to have been erected from their foundation in the fhort period of nineteen years."

Religious architecture, it appears, was a paffion as predominant in thofe early ages as military; and the contemplation of this fubject introduces obfervations on the Gothic tile of building, from the moft early period of its introduction into this Iland, and cultivation by the Saxons, to its improvement by the Normans, and fo down to the era of what is termed the latter Gothic, in which the Author has, however unneceffary we may think them in this place, convinced us, that he not only poffeffes great industry in the collecting materials, but confiderable taste and genius in his obfervations upon and his difpofal of them. How he brings this erudition to bear upon the profeffed objects of his work, will be feen in the following quotation:

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"Such were fome of the objects" (namely, caftles, churches, monasteries, and abbies) which were fo numerous in the time of Chaucer, and were regarded with fo high a degree of veneration, that they could not, without glaring injuftice, be omitted in a review of the different appearances by which his youthful mind was imprefied. He had an opportunity of contemplating both the orders of architecture here Ipoken of in the fulleft excel. lence they ever attained. The generality of the English cathedrals were in the elder tafte; and the latter Gothic had attained a fufficient degree of attention and popularity to enable it to prefent numerous fpecimens to the eye of the youthful poet."

From this difquifition we are led to a comparison betwixt the Gothic and Grecian architecture, the latter of which, the Author fhould have remembered, did not find its way into this kingdom till a period much fubfequent to the reformation. The combination of thefe ftiles by Inigo Jones, at Somerset Houfe, was among the earlieft fpecimens of the introduction of the latter but ftill his obfervations on the subject, his definition of the Grecian, and reflections upon both, are fo accurate, fo ingenious, and his deductions fo juft, that we think it fair to quote the latter part of them.

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"But in fpite of thefe recommenda tions" (of Grecian architecture) “ the edifices of our ancestors may boldly prefent themfelves, and challenge the comparifon. They are more religious, they poffefs more of the power to excite the paffions, and generate an enthufiaftic fpirit. We admire more the Grecian ftile of building, we feel more from the Gothic. The Grecian is like the poetry of an Auguftan age; it is harmonious, mellowed, uniformly ma jeftic, and gently perfuafive. The Gothic is like the poetry of a ruder and more daring period. The artist does not loop to conform himself_to elaborate rules; he yields to the native fuggeftions of his fublime and untutored fancy, he astonishes the obferver and robs him of him!elf, and the heart of man acknowledges more occafions of fympathy and feeling in his productions, than in the laboured and more accurate performances of a more enlightened age."

This comparifon of architecture to poetry or mufic, which feems to revive in our minds the fable of Amphion, is here abandoned, and a large part of the remainder of this Chapter dedicated to that of the early and latter Gothic, in which it is unneceffary, and, confidering our limits, impoffible, to follow the Author, who certainly might have been fatisfied with his former general defcription of ancient calties, and as certainly thould not have filled nine pages with a minute investigation of all their great members and fubordinate parts; which, though it might influence the mind of an elderly reader to drowfinefs, its object could, we think, have little operation on that of the juvenile Bard.

Palaces and manor - houfes : the change from the fequetered state and gloomy grandeur of the feudal Baron to the bland and hofpitable manners of the ancient English Nobleman, are il contrafted by What we know of the private life of John of Gaunt," which ferves as a precurfor to fome remarks on the ftile of living in the middle ages, in which the mode of dining in the Great Hall is defcribed with unneceflary accuracy; for Mr. G. defcends into the kitchen, and, with the minutenefs of an auctioneer, gives us a catalogue of different lots of fire-irons, fpits, Itoves, dreflers, chopping-blocks, tables, kneading-troughs, &c. &c. &c.

(To be continued.)

The Hiftory of the Reign of George III. to the Termination of the late War. To which is prefixed, A View of the progreflive Improvement of England, in Profperity and Strength, to the Acceffion of His Majefty. In Six Volumes. By Robert Biffet, LL.D. Author of the "Life of Burke," &c. &c. 8vo.

(Concluded from Vol. XLIV. Page 453.)

THE Fourth Volume commences with

the effective Administration of Mr. Pitt, exhibits the ftate in which he found the empire, and the objects that he proposed to purfue. His first efforts were directed to the government of India, to finance, and to commerce. The Minister proceeded ftep by step in promoting revenue; firit, by fuppreffing frauds, then by extending impofts. The object of his India Bill was, to correct abufes by a power adequate to the purpose, but not fo great as to endanger the Conftitution.

Britain now refumed her attention to the affairs of the Continent, of which our Author exhibits a concife fketch, including the innovating projects of Jofeph II. Returning to Britain, het gives an account of the ftate of Ireland, and Mr. Pitt's plan of commercial connexion with that country. His "Propofitions," Dr. B. thinks, were rejected by prejudice, and not by judgement. The narrative is purfued through the Duke of Richmond's plan of fortifica tions, to the commencement of Mr. Haf tings's trial; and proceeds to the affairs of Europe, the death and character of Frederic, the state of other countries, efpecially of France, and the commercial relations between France and this Country. Mr. Pitt's views on this fubject Dr. B. deduces from the philofophy of Adam Smith, flates the princi. ples and provifions of the Commercial Treaty, the arguments for and againft, and approves of the Convention. The repeal of the Teft Act, now and after wards debated, our Author regards as a question of expediency, and feems inclined, in that view, to favour those who oppofed the repeal under the exifting circumstances.

The narrative at this time comprehending the fituation, conduct, and character of the Prince of Wales, our Author beltows a high tribute of praife on the many virtues, and efpecially the magnanimous rectitude, of that illuf trious Perfonage. The proceedings in Holland, fo interefting to Britain, now carry the History to the fituation, prin

VOL. XLV. JAN. 1804.

ciples, and factions of that country,

and the interference of Britain on the occafion, with the refult. Internally,. Britain had not only revived profperity, but carried it to an unprecedented pitch. The illness of the King was the occafion of a very great conteft between the Pitt and Fox parties; and our Author, prefenting the facts and arguments clearly and fully, adheres to hiftorical impartiality. Mr. Pitt he conceives to have been right in regarding the fupplying of the deficiency as belonging to Parliament; but he dif approves of the plan of Regency, as containing reftrictions that were not neceffary. The Slave Trade next occupies the attention of our Hiftorian, who prefents the arguments on both fides, and, giving great credit to the motives of the abolitionists, feems to doubt the advantage of the measure, even to the Africans themfelves. We are now carried to the Continent, the Imperial Confederacy, and the operations of the two Powers against Turkey and Sweden, with the heroism of Guftavus, encouraged by the defenfive alliance of Britain, Holland, and Pruffia. The Fourth Volume concludes with a view of Jofeph's tyrannical innovations, and the revolt of the Netherlands.

The Fifth Volume commences with an account of the French Revolution, which the first Chapter traces, from remote through proximate causes, to the downfal of the old Monarchy; and in no part of the work have we found greater compreffion of important matter, or a more orderly feries of caufe, operation, and effect. Our Hiftorian imputes great weakness to the French Minifters during the last years of the Monarchy and the first year of the Revolution. The change that was effected in 1789 was the greatest political alteration that ever had happened in any country; it was a boundless enthusiafm of innovation, and in its principles and objects totally fubverfive of every exifting establishment. The first year of the Revolution completely ftamped its character. Its principles,

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religious,

religious, moral, and political, were fuch as must neceffarily produce impiety, iniquity, and anarchy. Nevertheless, it confpicuously displayed the genius, ftrength, and energy of the French character, and alfo the exceffive ardour with which that volatile and impetuous people purfue whatever interefts their affections. It was the fame violence (as Dr. B. obferves) which rendered the French furious bigots in the fixteenth century, adorers of their Monarch in the seventeenth, and fubverters of both Church and Monarchy in the eighteenth. Our Author follows the French Revolution to its first effects in Britain; where, its fpecific nature not being well understood, it was generally approved as a change from an abfolute to a free government.

Parliament having met, the French Revolution was incidentally introduced; and a difference of opinion appeared on the fubject between two eminent friends and political affociates, Meffrs. Fox and Burke; the circumftances of which our Author exhi bits with great clearnefs and impartiality. Both here and afterwards, Dr. B., though differing in opinion from Mr. Fox, beftows high praife on the motives by which he conceives him to have been actuated. Mr. Fox, in his opinion, praised the French Revolution, in the belief that it would give rational freedom to France, and fecure tranquillity to Britain. Our Author does not admit the probability of this reafoning; but thinks that, fince admitted by Mr. Fox himself, it justifies his conduct. He exhibits the conduct of Mr. Pitt as peculiarly wife and prudent, in ftrictly abitaining from every difcuffion of a foreign change that had not yet affected this country.

In reconfidering the Teft A&t, our Author allows confiderable merit to the Diffenters; but, regarding the queftion merely on the ground of expediency, approves of the vote of the Legislature. On the difpute about Nootka Sound, he proves that Spain was in the wrong. We are next conducted to the efforts of the defenfive Confederacy against the Imperial combination. Jofeph's character Dr. B. feems to have studied very attentively; and his parting view of that perfonage, we think one of the ableft paffages in the work.

The chief fcene of political contemplation, however, was France; and the history sketches the principles and chief proceedings of the early law-givers there. The power of the mob was boundlefs; its exercife was directed by clubs, with the co-operation of the army; and the National Assembly was an inftrumental council for carrying into execution the refolves of the clubs: a mere civil and military mob. such our Hiftorian reprefents as the organization of France; which fairly accounts for the precipitate violence of the revolutionary acts. In Britain, a great majority continued favourable to the French Revolution until the volume of Mr. Burke made its appearance* ; but that celebrated production gave a great change to public opinion and fentiment; especially in the higher claffes. The fubject was again dif cuffed in Parliament between Meffrs. Burke and Fox.-In his account of the Libel Bill, our Author proves himself a ftrenuous advocate for the freedom of the Prefs.

Mr. Pitt, having propofed forcible interference to reprefs the ambition of Ruffia, the eloquence of Mr. Fox turned the tide of public opinion against a war with that empire. The new Conftitution of Poland, which fo much interested Britons, is briefly explained; and alfo the effects of that change, in inducing Catharine to make a peace with Turkey, and to ftimulate the German Potentates to a rupture with France, that the might have an opportunity of attacking the independence of Poland, while her powerful neighbours were otherwife occupied. Neighbouring Potentates regarded the convulfions in France with apprehenfion and alarm; and when the revolutionists extended their fyftem of confifcation to the rights of German Princes, they refolved to refift fuch iniquity. The King of France fled from his oppreffors; but was retaken, and found it neceflary to accept the Conftitution. The National Affembly did honour (as they termed it) to the memory of infidel philofophers; and the Legislature and the people vied with each other in fpreading irreligion and immorality. The Affembly was diffolved. "Thus terminated (fays our Author) the firft National Affembly of France, which, in little more than two years, had

Reflections on the Revolution in France," &c. 8vo.

effected

effected a more complete change in the government, ranks, orders, laws, religion, doctrines, opinions, fentiments, and manners of the people, than any legislative body ever before effected in a Leries of ages."

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The French Revolution spread a political enthusiasm over Europe. In Britain, great numbers were infected with the fpirit of innovation, which the works of Thomas Paine tended very powerfully to promote. The letters and other writings of Dr. Priestley conduced to the fame purpofe, efpe. cially his ftrictures after the riots at Birmingham. A fuperficial kind of literature that now abounded in the metropolis alfo co-operated in fpreading democratic abfurdities. The "Friends of the People" affociating for the fake of Parliamentary Reform, though well intended, afforded occa fion for affemblages of a very noxious kind, particularly the Correfponding Society. Innovating and feditious doctrines being rapidly diffeminated, drew forth a Proclamation; in the parliamentary difcuffion of which, a great body of the former opponents of Ministry joined Government, and left Mr. Fox at the head of a fmall but able band.

The interference of the French re

volutionists with the German Princes drove Leopold and Frederic to a defenfive alliance, which the French Government conftrued to be hoftile, and declared war. The Duke of Brunfwick, leader of the combined army, published a manifetto which did great harm to the cause. Whatever might be their political differences, the affumptions and threats of the Germans drove the great body of the French to mili. tary union. Profefling to conceive poor Louis XVI. leagued with the enemy, the prevailing party of the revolutionists fought, and at length effected, his depofition, and fent him prifoner with his family to the Temple. Soon afterwards they abolished Monarchy; and, Dumourier having forced the enemy to retreat, and afterwards obtained a fignal victory, the French were elated to a define of conquering and revolutionizing all countries. Thence fprung the opening of the Scheldt, and the decree for promoting rebellion among other States. In Britain, an anti-conftitutional fpirit, during the recefs of 1792, increafed to a very alarming height; democratical

focieties multiplied, congratulated the French Convention on the abolition of monarchy, and expreffed their fanguine hopes, that a fimilar change would be fpeedily effected in this country. Against thefe mifchievous combina. tions Mr. Reeves fet on foot an Affociation in defence of liberty and property, which foon outnumbered, or at leaft out weighed, the innovating agitators.

The conduct of France at length became fo offenfive, that hoftilities, Dr. B. thinks, were unavoidable on our part; but, though the hiftorian approves of the war, he imputes the best motives to its principal opponents in Parliament. Paffing to France, he feverely reprobates the iniquitous and cruel mallacre of Louis. His account of the campaign of 1793 combines military events with the caufes by which they were influenced. The projected difmemberment of France he deems extremely impolitic, and in a great meature the caufe that called up the nation en masse, and produced thofe gigantic efforts which eventually dif comfited the confederacy. In Britain, befides the expediency and conduct of the war, financial, military, and naval preparations, Parliament and the public were engaged by the proceedings of certain innovating project. ors both in Scotland and England. The first having held a Convention that was judged to be feditious, the ringleaders were fentenced to tranfportation. The juftice of this judgment was very ably queftioned in Par liament, but was approved by very great majorities. The proceedings of the English innovators were construed to be treason, and the alleged traitors were fent to the Tower. While our Hiftorian unfolds the pernicious tendency of the new doctrines and projects, he very candidly regards the greater number of the votaries as rather milled by ignorance and vanity, than actuated by difloyal intentions. All, however, he does not regard in that light: fuch men as John Thelwall he holds in a fimilar eflimation with John Cade.

Paffing again to France, he prefentsa very strong and horrible picture of the fyftem of terror. In the campaign of 1794 there was an evident concert between the Pruffians and Auftrians: on the other hand, the genius of Pichegru gave direction, arrangement, and rapidity

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rapidity to the Gallic maffe. The British forces difplayed the national heroifm; but their allies receiving fignal and decitive defeats, they were obliged to retire; and in Holland, deferted by thofe whofe caufe they undertook, after series of gallant exploits, were obliged to leave the Dutch to the flavery that naturally refulted from inaction and fubmiflion when a conqueror approached. When Britons fought alone, they were finally fuccefsful.

The perfons accufed of treafon were tried at the Old Bailey, and found Not Guilty, and our Hiftorian, deem ing them morally culpable, neverthelefs approves of their acquittal, becaufe not legally guilty, unlefs by forced conftruction. The innovating Societies, however, from this time became ftill more active and daring; and in 1795 a very unconftitutional fpirit prevailed. Public meetings were held for inflaming the people against Government; and immediately after one of them the King's perfon was infulted and endangered. The Minitters, Lord Grenville and Mr. Pitt, refpe&tively introduced Bills in the two Houfes of Parliament; the firt, for the better fecurity of his Majefty's perfon, by extending the laws of treafon; and the fecond, for preventing feditious Meetings, which were alleged to be the causes of treafonable proceedings. Thefe Bills, in their claufes and definitions, appearing to Oppofition greatly to curtail the liberty and rights of the people, underwent a very fevere difcufiion our Author accurately prefents the facts and arguments; he regards the measures in general as juftifiable only from neceffity, and in feveral parts as exceeding the neceflity.

France now afforded fome profpect of a return to order; and the British Government profefled a difpofition towards peace: meanwhile the campaign proceeded. In 1795, nothing material had been done by either fide; but in 1796, a young Corfican, named BUONAPARTE, invaded Italy, at the head of the French troops, made rapid propres, overthrew four Auftrian armies in one campaign, and reduced Italy. Our historian, however, repre

fents this conqueror as enterprifing, active, and intrepid, rather than able and wife. In Germany, the retreat of Moreau was more matterly than any of the advances of Buonaparte. The con tinued fuccefles of this General, however, compelled Auftria to accept a peace from his dictation. The treaty of Campo Formio left Britain without an ally, while France forced Holland and Spain to join her in the contest, and propofed to exert the naval power of her two colleagues against Great Britain. A negociation was opened for peace; but the parties could not agree on the terms. France menaced invafion; the apprehenfion of the English people caufed gold to dif appear; and the Bank wanted the ufual fupply of cash to answer its en. gagements: in fuch an exigency, Government allowed them to pay in paper, and the Legiflature made an Act for the purpose. Oppofition reprefented this change as infolvency; but Ministers afferted, and the Bank proved, that their effects far exceeded their debts.

Rebellion now threatened in Ireland, and mutiny raged in the British fleet. The failors, however, were brought back to order; and Jervis and Duncan overthrew the equipments of Spain and of Holland. A fecond attempt was made at negociation; but, through the haughtinefs of France, failed. The nation, exulting in fignal victory, and indignant against Gallic infult, was bent on extraordinary exertions. The Minifter, in this difpofition of the pub. lic, propofed to raise a confiderable portion of the fupplies within the year: voluntary contributions were alfo add, ed. Mr. Dundas ftated the probability of invasion, and, as part of the fcheme of defence, recommended Voluntary Affociations. From Kirkwall to Dover the nation started up in military array. Rebellion burtt forth in Ireland; but was overcome, and crushed by the Yeomanry and Militia.

Buonaparte, about this time, undertook to fubdue and colonize Egypt, and carried thither a mighty army and fleet; but one day wrought deftruction to the fleet from Nelfon and his heroes at the Battle of the Nile; and in the

An amazing inftar ce of naval skill and bravery, which has been immortalized by the united efforts of TOMKINS and ASHBY, in a felio plate of ornamental Penmanship, defigned by the former, engraven by the latter, and embellifhed by a vignette from the hand of BARTOLOZZI. This matchlefs fpecimen of Penmanfhip is well known at the prefent day; but will in future times afluredly be fought after with avidity, and prefeived among the rareft productions of British talent.--Rev.

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