complained of, who have done juftice to Columbus's merit; but the writer thould not have fallen upon the French authors, but on the Spanith, who were the firft that did this juice. This writer fays, that "he will contound the vanity of the French nation, who have always attacked with impunity the honour and fuccefs of the "Italian nation." What vanity can there be in faying, that it was a Genoefe who firft difcovered America? or how is the honour of the Italian nation injured in owning, that it was to an Italian, born in Genoa, that we are indebted for the new world? I purpofely remark this want of equity, good-breeding, and goed-fenfe, as we have too many examples of it; and I muft fay, that the good French writers have in general been the leaft guilty of this infufferable fault; and one great reafon of their being fo univerfally read throughout Europe, is their doing juttice to all na tions. The inhabitants of these iflands, and of the continent, were a new race of men. They were all without beards, and were as much aftonished at the faces of the Spaniards, as they were at their flips and artillery they at firft looked upon these new vilitors as moniters or gods, who had come out of the fky, or the fea. Thefe voyages, and thofe of the Portuguese, had now taught us how inconfiderable a fpot of the globe our Europe was, and what an aftonishing variety reigns in the world. Indoftan was known to be inhabited by a race of men whofe complexions were yellow. In Africa and Afia, at fome diftance from the equator, there had been found feveral kinds of black men and after travellers had penetrated into America as far as the line, they met with a race of people who were tolerably white. The natives of Brazil are of the colour of bronze. The Chinese ftill appear to differ entirely from the reft of mankind, in the make of their eyes and nofes. But what is ftill to be remarked is, that into whatsoever regions these various races are tranfplanted, their complexions never change, unlef's they mingle with the natives of the country. The mucous membrane of the negroes, which is known to be of a black colour, is a manifeft proof that there is a differential principle in each species of men, as well as plants. Dependant upon this principle, nature has formed the different degrees of genius, and the characters of nations, which are feldom known to change. Hence the ne groes are flaves to other inen, and are purchafed on the coaft of Africa, like beats, for a fun of money; and the vast multitudes of negroes traufplanted into our American colonies, ferve as flaves under a very inconfiderable number of Europeans. Experience has likewife taught us how great a fuperiority the Europeans have over the Americans, who are every where cafily overcome, and have not dared to at'tempt a revolution, though a thousand t» one fuperior in numbers. This part of America was also remarkable on account of its animals and plants, which are not to be found in the other three parts of the world, and which are of fo great ufe to us. Horfes, corn of all kinds, and iron, were not wanting in Mexico and Peru; and among the many valuable commodities unknown to the old world, cochineal was the principal, and was brought us from this country. Its ufe in dying has now made us forget the fcarlet, which for time immemorial had been the only thing known for giving a fine red colour. The importation of cochineal was foon fucceeded by that of indigo, cacao, vahille, and thofe woods which ferve for ornament and medicinal purposes, particularly the quinquina, or jefuits bark, which is the only fpecific again intermitting fevers, Nature has placed this remedy in the mountains of Peru, whilft the had difperted the difeafe it cured through all the reft of the world. This new continent likewife furnished pearls, coloured stones, and diamonds. It is certain, that America at prefent furnishes the meanett citizen of Europe with his conveniencies and pleasures. The gold and filver mines, at their firft difcovery, were of fervice only to the kings of Spain and the merchants; the reft of the world was impoverished by them, for the great multitudes who did not follow bufinets, found themfelves poffeffed of a very finall quantity of fpecie, in comparifon with the immenfe fums accumulated by thofe, who had the advantage of the first difcoveries. But, by degrees, the great quantity of gold and filver which was fent from America, was difperfed throughout all Europe, and by pafling into a number of hands, the diftribution is become more equal. The price of commodities is likewife increased in Europe, in proportion to the increase of specie. To comprehend how the treasures of America paffed from the poffeflion of the Spaniards Spaniards into that of other nations, it will be fufficient to confider thefe two things: the ufe which Charles V. and Philip II. made of their money: and the manner in which other nations acquired a thare in the wealth of Peru. The emperor Charles V.who was always travelling, and always at war, neceflarily difperfed a great quantity of that fpecie which he received from Mexico and Peru, through Germany and Italy. When he fent his fon Philip over to England, to marry queen Mary, and take upon him the title of King of England, that prince depofited in the tower of London twentyfeven large chetts of filver in burs, and an hundred horfe-loads of gold and filver coin. The troubles in Flanders, and the intrigues of the league in France, coft this Philip, according to his own confeflion, above three thousand millions of livres of our money. The manner in which the gold and filver of Peru is diftributed amongst all the people of Europe, and from thence is fent to the Eaft-Indies, is a furprifing, though well known circumftance. By a ftrict law enacted by Ferdinand and Isabella, and afterwards confirmed by Charles V. and all the kings of Spain, all other nations were not only excluded the entrance into any of the ports in Spanish America, but likewife from having the leaft fhare, directly or indirectly, in the trade of that part of the world. One would have imagined, that this law would have enabled the Spaniards to fubdue all Europe; and yet. Spain fubLifts only by the continual violation of this very law. It can hardly furnish exports for America to the value of four millions; whereas the rest of Europe fometimes fend over merchandize to the amount of near fifty millions. This prodigious trade of the nations at enmity or in alliance with Spain, is carried on by the Spaniards themfelves, who are always faithful in their dealings with individuals, and always cheating their king. The Spaniards gave no fecurity to foreign merchants for the performance of their contracts; a mutual credit, without which there never could have been any commerce, fupplies the place of other obligations. The manner in which the Spaniards for a long time configned the gold and filver to foreigners, which was brought home by their galleons, was ftill more furprifing. The Spaniard, who at Cadiz is properly factor for the foreigner, delivered the bul lion he received to the care of certain bravoes, called Meteors: thefe, armed with pittols at their belt, and a long sword, carried the bullion in parcels properly marked, to the ramparts, and flung them over to other meteors, who waited below, and carried them to the boats which were to receive them, and thefe boats carried them on board the thips in the road. These meteors and the factors, together with the commiflaries and the guards, who never difturbed them, had each a fiated fee, and the foreign merchant was never cheated. The king, who received a duty upon this money at the arrival of the galleons, was likewife a gainer: fo that properly speaking, the law only was cheated; a law which would be abfolutely ufelefs if not eluded, and which, neverthelefs, cannot yet be abrogated, because old prejudices are always the moft difficult to be overcome amongst men. The greatest inftance of the violation of this law, and of the fidelity of the Spaniards, was in the year 1684, when war was declared between France and Spain. His catholic majesty endeavoured to feize upon the effects of all the French, in his kingdom; but he in vain iffued edicts and admonitions, inquiries and excommunications; not a fingle Spanish factor would betray his French correfpondent. This fidelity, which does fo much honour to the Spanish nation, plainly fhews, that men only willingly obey thofe laws, which they themfelves have made for the good of fociety, and that thofe which are the mere effects of a fovereign's will, always meet with oppofition. As the difcovery of America was at first the fource of much good to the Spaniards, it afterwards occalioned them many and confiderable evils. One has been, the depriving that kingdom of its fubjects, by the great numbers neceflarily required to people the colonies: another was, the infecting the world with a difeafe, which was before known only in the new world, and particularly in the ifland of Hifpaniola. Several of the companions of Chriftopher Columbus returned home infected with this contagion, which afterwards fpread over Europe. It is certain, that this poifon, which taints the fprings of life, was peculiar to America, as the plague and the fmall pox were difeafes originally endemial to the fouthern parts of Numidia. We are not to believe, that the eating of human flesh, practifed by fome of the Q43 American American favages, occafioned this diforder. There were no cannibals on the ifland of Hifpaniola, where it was mot frequent and inveterate; neither are we to fuppofe, with fome, that it proceeded from too great an excets of fenfual pleafures. Nature had never punithed exceties of this kind with fuch diforders in the world; and even to this day, we find that a momentary indulgence, wh ch has been parfed for eight or ten years, nay bring this cruel and thameful feourge upon the chattett union. The great Columbus, after having built feveral houfes on thefe iflands, and difcovered the continent, returned to Spain, where he enjoyed a reputation unfullied by rapine or cruelty, and died at Valladolid in 1506. But the governors of Cuba and Hifpaniola, who fucceeded him, being perfuaded that thefe provinces furnished gold, refolved to make the difcovery at the price of the lives of the inhabitants. In fhort, whether they thought the natives had conceived an implacable hatred to them; or that they were apprehenfive of their fuperior numbers; or that the rage of flaughter, when once begun, knows no bounds, they, in the space of a few years, entirely depopulated Hifpaniola and Cuba, the former of which contained three millions of inhabitants, and the latter above fix hundred thoufand. Bartholomew de la Cafas, bishop of Chiapa, who was an eye-witnefs to thefe defolations, relates, that they hunted down the natives with dogs. Thefe wretched favages, almoft naked and without arms, were purfued like wild beafts in the forefts, devoured alive by dogs, thot to death, or furprised and burnt in their habitations. Ile farther declares, from ocular teftimony, that they frequently caused a number of thefe miferable wretches to be fummoned by a prieft to come in, and fubmit to the Chriftian religion, and to the king of Spain; and that after this ceremony, which was only an additional act of injuftice, they put them to death without the leaft remorie.I believe that de la Cafas has exaggerated in many parts of his relation; but, allowing him to have faid ten times more than is truth, there remains enough to make us fhudder with horror. It may feem furprising, that this maffacre of a whole race of men could have been carried on in the fight, and under the adminiftration of feveral religious of the order of St. Jerome; for we know that Cardinal Ximenes, who was prime minifter of Caftile before the time of Charles V. fent over four monks of this order, in quality of prefidents of the royal council of the ifland. Doubtlefs they were not able to relift the torrent; and the hatred of the natives to their new mafters, being with juft reafon become implacable, rendered their deftruction unhappily neceffary. Voltaire. § 250. The Influence of the Progress of Science on the Manners and Characters of Men. The progrefs of feience, and the culti vation of literature, had confiderable effect in changing the manners of the European nations, and introducing that civility and refinement by which they are now diftin guished. At the time when their empire was overturned, the Romans, though they had loft that correct talie which has rendered the productions of their ancestors the ftandards of excellence, and models for imitation to fucceeding ages, ftill preserved their love of letters, and cultivated the arts with great ardour. But rude barbarians were to far from being firnek with any adrairation of thefe unknown accomplishments, that they defpifed them. They were not arrived at that state of society, in which thofe faculties of the human mind, that have beauty and elegance for their objects, begin to unfold themfelves. They were frangers to all thofe wants and defires which are the parents of ingenious invention; and as they did not comprehend either the merit or utility of the Roman arts, they deftroyed the monuments of them, with induftry not inferior to that with which their pofterity have fince ftudied to preferve, or to recover them. The convultions occafioned by their fettlement in the empire: the frequent as well as violent revolutions in every kingdom which they eftablished; together with the interior defects in the form of government which they introduced, banished fecurity and leisure; prevented the growth of tatte or the culture of fcience; and kept Europe, during feveral centuries, in a ftate of ignorance. But as foon as liberty and independence began to be felt by every part of the community, and communicated fome taste of the advantages arifing from commerce, from public order, and from perfonal fecurity, the human mind became confcious of powers which it did not formerly perceive, and fond of occupations or purfuits of of which it was formerly incapable. Towards the beginning of the twelfth century, we difcern the firft fymptoms of its awakening from that lethargy in which it had long been funk, and obferve it turning with curiofity and attention towards new objects. The first literary efforts, however, of the European nations, in the middle ages, were extremely ill-directed. Among nations, as well as individuals, the powers of imagination attain fome degree of vigour before the intellectual faculties are much exercised in speculative or abstract difquifition. Men are poets before they are philofophers. They feel with fenfibility, and defcribe with force, when they have made but little progrefs in inveftigation or reafoning. The age of Homer and of Hefiod long preceded that of Thales, or of Socrates. But unhappily for literature, our anceltors, deviating from this courfe which nature points out, plunged at once into the depths of abftrufe and metaphyfical inquiry. They had been converted to the Chritian faith foon after they fettled in their new conquefts: but they did not receive it pure. The prefumption of men had added to the fimple and inftructive doctrines of Chriftianity, the theories of a vain philofophy, that attempted to penetrate into myfteries, and to decide queftions which the limited faculties of the human mind are unable to comprehend, or to refolve. Thefe over curious fpeculations were incorporated with the fyftem of religion, and came to be confidered as the molt effential part of it. As foon then, as curiofity prompted men to inquire and to reafon, these were the subjects which firft prefented themselves, and engaged their attention. The fcholaftic theology, with its infinite train of bold difquifitions, and fubtile diftinctions concerning points which are not the object of human reafon, was the firft production of the fpirit of enquiry after it began to refume fome degree of activity and vigour in Europe. rupted thofe fciences which they cultivated. The former rendered theology a fyftem of fpeculative refinement, or of endless controverfy. The latter communicated to philofophy a fpirit of metaphyfical and frivolous fubtlety. Milled by thete guides, the perfons who firft applied to fcience were involved in a maze of intricate inquiries. Inttead of allowing their fancy to take its natural range, and to produce fuch works of invention as might have improved their tafte, and refined their fentiments; instead of cultivating thofe arts which embellish human life, and render it comfortable; they were fettered by authority; they were led aftray by example, and walled the whole force of their genius in fpeculations as unavailing as they were difficult. But fruitlefs and ill-directed as thefe fpeculations were, their novelty roufed, and their boldness interested, the human mind. The ardour with which men purfued these uninviting studies was astonishing. Genuine philofophy was never cultivated,in any enlightened age, with greater zeal. Schools, upon the model of those inftituted by Charlemagne, were opened in every cathedral, and almost in every monaftery of note. Colleges and universities were erected, and formed into communities, or corporations, governed by their own laws, and invested with separate and extenfive jurifdiction over their own members. A regular courfe of studies was planned. Privileges of great value were conferred on mafters and scholars. Academical titles and honours of various kinds were invented, as a recompence for both. Nor was it in the schools alone that fuperiority in fcience led to reputation and authority; it became the object of respect in life, and advanced fuch as acquired it to a rank of no inconfiderable eminence. Allured by all these advantages, an incredible number of ftudents reforted to these new feats of learning, and crowded with eagernefs into that new path which was open to fame and diftinction. It was not this circumftance alone that gave fuch a wrong turn to the minds of men, when they began again to exercise talents which they had fo long neglected. Moft of the perfons who attempted to revive literature in the twelfth and thriteenth centuries, had received inftruction, or derived their principles of fcience from the Greeks in the eastern empire, or from the Arabians in Spain and Africa. Both these people, acute and inquifitive to excefs, cor- to the beginning of the fixteenth century. But how confiderable foever these first efforts may appear, there was one circum stance which prevented the effects of them from being as extenfive as they ought to have been. All the languages in Europe, during the period under review, were barbarous. They were deftitute of elegance, of force, and even of perfpicuity. No attempt * From the fubverfion of the Roman empire Q94 had had been hitherto made to improve or to polith them. The Latin tongue was confecrated by the church to religion. Cuftom, with authority fearce lefs facred, had appropriated it to literature. All the fciences cultivated in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were taught in Latin. All the books with refpect to them, were written in that language. To have treated of any important fubject in a modern language, would have been deemed a degradation of it. This confined fcience within a very Harrow circle. The learned alone were admitted into the temple of knowledge; the gate was fhut against all others, who were allowed to remain involved in their former darknefs and ignorance. But though feience was thus prevented, during feveral ages, from diffufing itfelf through fociety, and its influence was circumfcribed, the progrefs of it may be mentioned, nevertheless, among the great caufes which contributed to introduce a change of manners into Europe. That ardent, though ill-judged, fpirit of inquiry, which I have defcribed, occafioned a fermentation of mind, which put ingenuity and invention in motion, and gave them vigour. It led men to a new employment of their faculties, hich they found to be agreeable, as well as interefting. It accufiomed them to exercifes and occupations which tended to foften their manners, and to give them fome relish for thofe gentle virtues which are peculiar to nations among whom fcience had been cultivated with fuccefs. Robertjon. $251. On the respect paid by the LACEDEMONIANS and ATHENIANS to old Age: It happened at Athens, during a public reprefentation of fome play exhibited in honour of the commonwealth, that an old gentleman came too late for a place fuitable to his age and quality. Many of the young gentlemen, who obferved the difficulty and confufion he was in, made figns to him that they would accommodate him if he came where they fat; the good man buttled through the crowd accordingly; but when he came to the feats to which he was invited, the jet was, to fit close and expofe him as he flood, out of countenance, to the whole audience. The frolic went round all the Athenian benches. But on thofe occations, there were alfo particular places affigned for foreigners: when the good man fkulked towards the boxes ap pointed for the Lacedæmonians, that honeft people, more virtuous than polite, rofe up all to a man, and, with the greatest refpect, received him among them. The Athenians, being fuddenly touched with a fenfe of the Spartan virtue, and their own degeneracy, gave a thunder of applaufe; and the old man cried out, "The Athe“nians understand what is good, but the "Lacedæmonians practise it." Spectator. § 252. On PÆTUS and ARRIA. In the reign of Claudius, the Roman emperor, Arria, the wife of Cæcinna Patus, was an illuftrious pattern of magnanimity and conjugal affection. It happened that her husband and her fon were both, at the fame time, attacked with a dangerous illness. The fon died. He was a youth endowed with every quality of mind and perfon which could endear him to his parents. His mother's heart was torn with all the anguish of grief; yet the refolved to conceal the diftreffing event from her husband. She prepared and conducted his funeral fo privately, that Pætus did not know of his death. Whenever the came into her husband's bed-chamber, the pretended her fon was better; and, as often as he inquired after his health, would anfwer, that he had refted well, or had eaten with an appetite. When the found that he could no longer restrain her grief, but her tears were guthing out, the would leave the room, and, having given vent to her paffion, return again with dry eyes and a ferene countenance, as if the had left her forrow behind her at the door of the chamber. and Camillus Scribonianus, the governor of Dalinatia, having taken up arms againfi Claudius, Pætus joined himself to his party, and was foon after taken prifoner, brought to Rome. When the guards were going to put him on board the fhip, Arria befought them that the might be permitted to go with him. "Certainly," faid the, you cannot refufe a man of confular dignity, as he is, a few attendants to wait "upon him; but, if you will take me, I "alone will perform that office." This favour, however, was refused; upon which the hired a small fishing veffel, and boldly ventured to follow the thip. Returning to Rome, Arria met the wife of Scribonianus in the emperor's palace, who prefling her to difcover all that the knew of the infurrection." What!” said the, |