of trees, your correspondent recommends the latter as the most productive; although, on account of the mismanagement to which planting is liable, he finally decides in favour of compound interest. In addition to a desire of recommend ing the plan of Common Sense to general adoption, I am actuated, I confess, by a subordinate motive in addressing you. Considering the great importance of a luminous theory of planting, inclu ding practical directions for management, as well as the superior ratio of profit (compared with compound interest) made out by induction; I am induced to invite your valuable correspondent to furnish the public, through your medium, with those details to which he has al luded, and thus to impart to his countrymen a two-fold benefit. JOHN MACKENZIE. Godmanchester, March 28, 1814. POPULATION OF NORTHAMPTONSHIRE, by the Returns of 1811. PERSONS. HUNDRED OF Chipping. Warden Cleley 781 420 697 332 Greens-Nor 921 1,033 16 674 307 52 ton Guilsborough 1,719 1,905 4 29 910 820 175 Hamfordshoe 1,324. 1,488 10 12 Higham-Fer 1,230 1,405 6 7 624 593 188 rer's Huxloe 2,113 2,260 10 38 Kings-Sutton 2,010 2,220 9 32 Navisford402 441 9 247 562 158 36 198 28,318 30,860 138 539 15235 12,100 3,525 68,279 73,074 141,353 POPULATION 1814.] A forgotten Embassy. POPULATION OF NORTHUMBERLAND. 423 430 443 4,105 4,557 8,663 23,379 26,387 49,766 996 1,179 5,475 3,855 1,778 1,896 8,86% 9,841 18,703 494 369 976 488 934 1,789 2 21 169 1,099 upon-Tyne 3,164 6,461 10 105 5,164 5,534 10,698 5,589 6,194 11,783 521 3,325 4,421 7,746 16 5,055 1,390 11,916 15,671 27,587 28,258 37,743 168 112610945 16,547 1025180,385 91,776 172,161 ORIGINAL OR NEGLECTED DOCUMENTS, ILLUSTRATIVE OF ENGLISH HISTORY: From Letters, State Papers, Scarce Tracts, &c. &c. found in Public or Private Libraries at Home or Abroad. ACCOUNT of the NEGOCIATION of MONSIEUR DE LOMENIE, then SECRETARY of STATE of NAVARRE, with ELIZABETH, QUEEN of ENGLAND, in 1595, from a MS. in the NATIONAL LIBRARY of FRANCE, marked Manuscrits de Brienne, No. 37: now first published in ENGLAND. [The restored communication with Paris will enable us to lay before our readers many other valuable articles from the same important source.] understand the object of this em Tbassy it is necessary to premise in a terest was few words the state of French affairs, and the chief political and military operations of Henry IV. from his accession to the end of 1595, the year of the journey of M. Lomenie to England. Spain was the common enemy both of France and England; Henry the Fourth had a useful ally in Queen Elizabeth; their general into combine their powers against Philip II. and resist the League* and Spain; but as to the plan of operations, both in relation to time and place, there was occasionally a difference, and even an opposition, between the respective interests of Elizabeth and Henry. In fact, the interest of Henry was first to reduce his capital, and then to drive his enemies from the centre of the kingdom to the frontiers; that of Elizabeth was, The Holy League, of a large party in France, supported by the Emperor, the King of Spain, and the Dukes of Parma and Savoy.-Transl. To be continued Occasionally. on the contrary, to commence operations by driving the leaguers and Spaniards from the maritime provinces nearest to England, whence they could make expeditions and descents upon that island among others from Normandy, part of which they possessed, and especially from Brittany, of which the Duke de Mercœur, Prince Lorrain, brother-in-law of Henry III. had made himself master, by the aid of the Spaniards. Thus in all the treaties which Elizabeth made with Henry IV, she took especial care to exact that the first operation should be to clear the provinces of the Spanish troops, who had obtained a footing there. In consequence the first step which Henry found himself obliged to undertake, upon the death of his predecessor, was to raise the siege of Paris, and go into Normandy, in order to be near the suc cours which he expected from England. It was then that he gained the battle of Arques, and that without the English, who did not arrive till afterwards. With their assistance, and the title of Conqueror of Mayenne, he thought himself strong enough to appear again before Paris. He forced some of the fauxbourgs, but conand beheld the terror of the inhabitants tent with having alarmed that capital, from the top of the towers of the Abbey of St. Germain des Prez, he re entered Normandy, to gratify the wishes and urgent solicitations of Elizabeth. After some petty expeditions in that province the English returned home; and Henry, without their assistance, in the year folJowing (1590) gained the victory of Ivri. Heary, twice conqueror without the aid of the English, who did not come till after the battle of Arques, and returned before that of Ivri, appeared again before his capital, and a second time without the English. The arrival of the Prince of Parma having compelled him to retreat, he solicited new succours from England, and as it was utterly vain to propose any project to Elizabeth in which there was no advantage to herself, he suggested the siege of Rouen. Elizabeth sent purposely for this expedition 4000 men, commanded by the Earl of Essex, and steadily following up her design of driving the Spaniards out of the provinces of France, opposite the coasts of England, or adjacent to the Low Countries, she sent other bodies of troops into Brittany and Picardy. Henry, always dependant both upon friends and cuemies, persons and events, could not assist in any of these operations. The Earl of Essex upon his arrival found Henry occupied in more pressing expedi tions than the siege of Rouen, He received his excuses; but Elizabeth, glad to have a pretext for refusing the perpetual urgency of Henry for further aid, bitterly complained of his breach of faith, and threatened to recall the English. Henry, affrighted at this menace, hasten ed to invest Rouen. The English were of eminent service to him in this siege. The Duke de Sully even attests that they were the only persons who served Henry de bonne foi. Elizabeth, who loved to grumble about her allies, and perpetually sought pretences for refusing them succour, reproached Henry with ill-treating her English, and putting them particu. larly in situations of the greatest danger. She wronged them; they voluntarily exposed theinselves for her glory and their own. It appears from the many volunteers which accompanied the Earl of Es sex, that this was a popular expedition. Transl.] Henry IV. could not enter into Paris and Rouen but by the way of negocia tion and treaties, for which the road could only be smoothed by his abjuration. This abjuration further damped the zeal of Elizabeth, already somewhat lukewarm; the success of Henry still further chilled t. In proportion as this prince conquered his kingdom, and strengthened himself upon the throne, he withdrew from the protection of Elizabeth, and freed himself from dependance upon her. Still Elizabeth beheld with inquietude Brittany in the hands of the Duke de Mercœur, the leaguers, and the Spaniards. She dreaded lest Spain, which had always more than France turned its views and efforts to the sea-coast, should, from possession of the ports of that pro vince, desire to found there a marine, a rival of the British navy, and which, blocking up England in its ports, might cramp its commerce. She always engaged Henry above every thing to reduce that province; she expressly charged him with this task in all her treaties with him; but he had for a long time business more urgent; the Spaniards were pressing him in all the provinces of his kingdom, and from being at first only auxiliaries of the league, very soon became direct enemies. At the commencement of the year 1595 Henry declared war against them; and reckoning rather too sanguinely upon the interest which Elizabeth would take in stopping their progress in Picardy, which the Comte de Fuente had entered with considerable forces, he occupied himself with Burgundy, where the progress of the league demanded his presence. He was victor at the battle of Fontaine-Françoise; he reduced that whole province, and some adjacent. He obliged the Duke de Mayenne to solicit a treaty; but the Spaniards. took their revenge in Picardy. D'Hunieres was killed before the town of Hans, at the moment when he was introducing the French into the place: the Count de Fuente had seized Catelet la Capelle, Dourlens, and Cam bray. The Admiral de Villars, who had surrendered Rouen to Henry the Fourth, was killed in cold blood before Dourleus, and the Spaniards put to the edge of the sword, in that place, even the women and children. A feeling of resentment, that Henry was not still occupied in person in Britta- ny, prevented Elizabeth from assisting him promptly enough to prevent these losses. The Spaniards had in effect partly confirmed the apprehensions of the queen. Some ships, equipped in the ports of Brittany, had just attempted a descent in England, and the troops in their debarkation had burned some vil lages in the county of Cornovailles (Cornwall), The Marechal d'Aumont, whom Henry had left to continue the war in Brittany, had been mortally wounded before the town of Comper. In consequence of all these events the queen dispatched to Henry a Sieur [for Sir!] Roger Willems, [or Williams!] whose instructions 1 1 1814.] from Henry IV. to Queen Elizabeth. instructions to which answer those given The king, in a letter addressed to the Elizabeth reproaches him with sufficient bitterness in her instructions to Williams, and observes that her enemies have never been more powerful in the provinces, in which the vicinity to her made her take the most lively interest; she redemands of him the blood of her subjects: she at least asks him where was the pay ment for it; since fresh applications for new succours succeeded each other without interruption, she was afraid that she should wear out the patience of her subjects; she wished to preserve for the defence of her menaced states, the troops which she reproaches herself for having too often and too lightly granted to the King of France to conquer his own kingdoms: she does not like that her subjects should complain that they lavished their blood for the interest of strangers, whilst she neglected the real interest of the nation, "for (says she) though we do not speak as a prince who is constrained to give an account of his conduct to his sub 425 jects, yet at all times all princes, and the king himself, cause the greater part of their actions to have a relation to the satisfaction of their subjects, we, who are not inferior to any prince in the possession of the hearts and inclinations of our subjects, cannot despise these sentiments.' " The attestation which Elizabeth pays to herself, of not being inferior to any prince in popularity, not only is a senti ment virtuous and respectable in a sovereign, but is also true, and this desire of pleasing her nation was in fact the sentiment which reigned in her bosom, and regulated all her conduct. We further see by this same discourse, that she piqued herself upon being as absolute as any sovereign of Europe, and she in fact was so, through this desire and art of pleasing. Henry answered her like a prince who owed her thanks for the past, and was desirous of asking favours for the future: but he was not only a king, who was speaking of politics to a sovereign, but a gallant man, who was talking to a lady; he puts in his dispatches a more affectionate tone, than usual in diplo macy. He alarms himself with the cool. ness which he thinks he observes in the friendship of Elizabeth, and the refusal which she has made to his requests for succours, of which he laboured under extreme want, but appears to be less concerned by the injury which her refusal gave to his affairs, than the demonstration which it betrayed of the coolness of which he complains. "I must tell you, Madam, (he says) that I think I have seen some coolness in your good will towards me, without any consciousness on my part of having given occasion for it. The aid which you have been requested to furnish for the business of my province of Picardy, by the persons of iny council, whom I had placed there, during my absence, and which I had long ago solicited by the dispatches of which the Sieur de la Barc derie has brought you, was so necessary, that from your not having granted it, I have perceived some diminution of the kind offices, which you have usually shown me. In these cannot feel the smallest alteration, without the greatest regret and rexation, there being nothing in the world which I desire more than the preservation of your kind offices and good will, which are so dear to me, that I shall strive to preserve them by all the means and good offices which shall be in my power. I must indeed, Madam, confess, that I should be jealous if your good will towards me was not reciprocal: inclination led us to this correspondence, &c." [This letter presents some reflections. Henry had known constant domestic difficulties, and war with England would have ruined him; but have been of no service to Great Britain, in fact, only raised the Spaniards and Emperor upon the ruins of Henry's fortune. His answer about Calais shows, however, that these were mere professions from policy: but they also show one remarkable fact, that Elizabeth's weakness about her per son was not known so much as historians have conceived, for Henry would other wise certainly have impressed that foible into his service. Trans.] As to his conduct, he justifies it by saying, that he has done all he could: that if he had not entirely cleared the provinces adjacent to England, that he has done at least a part of that work: that he has subdued all Normandy, which is one of those provinces: that he hoped to do as much in Brittany; if, after the conquests and good success which the Marechal d' Aumont had had the last year in the Lower Brittany, the said lady had not recalled her forces, which occasioned a stoppage of the pros perity which the affairs of his Majesty were taking in that country: in consequence he solicited, that she would send again those forces which she had recalled. He also demands succours for Picardy, where he proposed to retake all that the Spaniards had taken that year, through the opportunity of his absence. In relation to that province, the instructions of Williams ended by a proposition, which was the great object of the politics of Elizabeth, and the grand motive of the embassy of Williams to France. Elizabeth regretted Calais, lost under the reign of her sister: she wished to regain for England, either this key of France or some other, which would be equally at her controul: she did not give her suc cours, she sold them: when at the begin ning of the civil wars of France, in the reign of Charles IX. the protestants had implored the support of England, Elizabeth made them surrender Havre de Grace, and would not engage but upon this condition, to assist them in defend. ing the rest of the province. The treaty concluded between the two parties, (Henry and the protestants) before OrJeans in 1563, engaged, that the English should evacuate Havre and return into their island ;* but to make them consent, they proposed to Elizabeth to restore Havre, in lieu of which they offered Ca lais: to this she answered, that she could not think of such a compensation, as the surrender of such a place as Havre for a mere fishing-town, like Calais : besides, that it was more simple, for each party to keep what they possessed. They declared war against her: they be sieged Havre, catholics, protestants, all burned with the desire of expelling the common enemy. The protestants. showed even the more ardour, because they had to efface the error of having introduced the English, Havre was retaken,† and Elizabeth repented that she had refused Calais. In 1595 she thought, that there was a favourable opportunity for re-demanding it, by making it the price of the succours, which she consented to grant to Henry IV. for the defence of Picardy against the Spa niards. Upon this proposition, Henry did not answer a single word in his letter, but in the instructions given to the Sieur de Lomenie, he quitted a gallant and affec tionate tone, for an answer dry enough, and rather resentful," that he could not imagine that it had entered into her views to demand the said town of Calais, which his Majesty would not take less pains to preserve than the other parts of his kingdom." In a word, he asked her for new succours, but he wished her to grant them in consideration only of the common interest, which he thought ought to have full sway over her mind, without any views of private interest, which could only tend to loosen the knots, which it was of importance to draw closer. He gave her to understand, that confiding upon her assistance, and her zeal for the common cause, he had refused propositions of peace and alliance, where the interests of England were not sufficiently consulted. He proposed to Elizabeth to send plenipotentiaries to some convenient place, where they would also meet those of his Majesty, in order to confer of affairs common to both kingdoms. He gave her the choice of Calais, Abbeville, Dieppe, Saint Vallery, or Crotoy: he preferred Abbeville, because, from vicinity, he could more easily com * The Protestants deserted the English, who were no parties in the treaty. Camd, Annal. p. 81, Ed. 1615. Transl. + Chiefly by the prevalence of a pestilential disease. Camd. 82, 85. Transl. municate |