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XXII. Mitford, vol. ii. chap. vi. 2. p. 30, note 12. Thucydides and Plato, omitting all mention of the usurpation, speak of Darius as reigning next after Cambyses:" and refers to Thucyd. I. 14. oλiyor τε πρὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν καὶ τοῦ Δαρείου θανάτου, ὃς μετὰ Καμβύσην Περσῶν ἐβασίλευσε, τριήρεις περί τε Σικελίαν τοῖς τυράννοις ἐς πλῆθος ἐγένοντο, Kai Kepkupalous. This is, however, no argument against the story of the usurpation. Thucydides, in giving, preparatory to his history, a brief account of a matter foreign to the Persian succession, the state of the Grecian military and marine in the times preceding his own, having occasion to specify the date of any particular fact by the reign of a Persian king, would naturally state his succession, without taking notice of an intermediate reign of seven months, and which was not acknowledged as legal: just as an English author, writing the history of the late wars of England with France, and prefacing it with a brief sketch of the progress of the British navy previous to the times in question, after having spoken of the times of Cromwell, as Thucydides in the preceding chapter speaks of those of Cambyses, might easily say: "In the reign of Charles II. who succeeded Cromwell, was gained the victory celebrated by Dryden in his Annus Mirabilis:" without taking the least notice of Richard Cromwell. Nor would a compiler of English history, living two thousand years later, be warranted in hazarding a suspicion, on such grounds, that Richard Cromwell is a mere eidwλov, conjured up by erroneous report and vague tradition.

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XXIII. Mr. Mitford mentions as a proof that Agis of Sparta participated with his father and brother in that enlarged patriotism, extending to the whole Greek nation, which he ascribes to them, that Xenophon has reported that Agis would not take Elis when in his power." Vol. VI. p. 149. Chap. xxvi. Sect. 6. In the passage referred to, Hel. Lib. 3. Cap. ii. 27. Xenophon mentions no motive for this forbearance of Agis; and it seems more likely, that he refrained from attacking Elis on account of its sanctity.

XXIV. Mr. Forsyth, in his work on Italy, speaking of two statues of Marsyas, says: "No Statue was more common at Rome than that of Marsyas; and he was so universally represented, as here, with his hands bending over his distorted brow, that Juvenal's image would be more obvious to a Roman, and more a picture, if read, Ceu Marsya

vinctus."

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XXV. The following are some instances of parallellisms, principally between ancient writers, but partly between ancient and modern. 1. Qualis vicino volucris jam sedula partu,

Jamque timens quâ fronde domum suspendat inanem,
Providet hinc ventos, hinc anxia cogitat angues,
Hinc homines: tandem dubiæ placet umbra, novisque
Vix stetit in ramis, ac protinus arbor amatur.

Sic æstuat ales,

Stat. Achill. 2, 212.

Quæ teneros humili fœtus commiserit orno,
Allatura cibos, et plurima cogitat absens,
Ne fragilem ventus discusserit arbore nidum,

Ne furtum pateant homini, neu præda colubris.
Claud. R. Pros. 3, 141.

2. Tanta enim ad singulos illius motus vis imbrium effusa, tanta ventorum violentia coorta est, ut divinitus hostem commoveri, non a cœlo, sed ab urbis ipsius manibus, et Capitolio videretur. Flor. Lib. 2, 6. (p. 183. ed. Var. 1674.)

3.

Hanc urbem insano nullus qui Marte petivit
Lætatus violâsse redit: nec Numina sedem
Destituunt; jactata procul dicuntur in hostem
Fulmina, divinique volant pro moenibus ignes,
Seu cœlum, seu Roma tonat.

De facie metuit, formæ confidit: et illum
Securum probitas, forma timere facit.
Elfrida.

Does Athelwold distrust Elfrida's virtue?

Athelwold.

Claud. Bell. Get. 507.

Ov. Ep. Hel.

No: but he much distrusts Elfrida's beauty. Mason's Elfrida.

4. Lymphaque muscosis exilit e laribus.

5.

6.

Dan. Heinsius, Monobibl. 3.

Lymphaque muscoso prosilit e lapide.

Poem by West, in Mason's Gray.
Hom. II. P.

ῥεχθὲν δέ τε νήπιος ἔγνω.

Hi pecudum ritu non impendentia cernunt-
acceptâ clade queruntur,
Et seri transacta gemunt.

Claud. Eutrop. 2, 499.

Lucan. 1, 337.

-Sullanum solito tibi lambere ferrum
Durat, Magne, sitis: nullus semel ore receptus
Pollutas patitur sanguis mansuescere fauces.
Rufinus (neque enim patiuntur sæva quietem
Crimina, pollutæque negant arescere fauces)
Ipfandis iterum terras accendere bellis
Inchoat, et solito pacem vexare tumultu.
7. Duc age, per Scythiæ populos, per inhospita Syrtis
Littora, per calidas Libya sitientis arenas.

Claud. Ruf, 2, 7.

Hæc manus, ut victum post terga relinqueret orbem,
Oceani tumidas remo compescuit undas;
Fregit et Arctoo spumantem vortice Rhenum.

Jussa sequi tam posse mihi, quam velle necesse est.

Lucan. 1, 367.

Te, quo libet ire, sequemur. '

Te vel Hyperboreo damnatam sidere Thulen,

Te vel ad incensas Libyæ comitabor arenas.
Si calcare Notum, secretaque littora Nili

Nascentis jubeas, mundum post terga relinquam : ̧ ̧.
Et quocunque loco Stilicho tentoria figet,
Hîc patria est.

This has been noticed before.

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Claud. Ruf. 2, 239.

VOL. XV.

X

Imber, et hyberna ventosa cacumina luna,
Questibus implet agros, stabulique silentia magni
Odit, et amissos longo ciet ordine tauros.
Pastor

Stat. Theb. 3, 49.

Cui pecus aut rabies Pænorum inopina leonum,
Aut populatrices infestavere catervæ ;
Serus at ille redit, desertaque pascua lustrans
Non responsuros ciet imploratque juvencos.

9.

Αὐγὴ χαλκείη.

Claud. Pros. 3.

Hom. II. N. 340.

ὅσσε δ' ἄμερδεν

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Lux oculos.

πλεκτάνην κάπνου. Aristoph. Αν. 1717.
Or do the smoke-wreaths daunt your eyes?

Scott, Rokeby, Canto 5.

11. Mr. Seager, in his parallel passages from authors ancient and modern, No. XVI. quotes the following passage from Diogenes Laertius, Vit. Aristipp. Τοὺς τῶν ἐγκυκλίων παιδευμάτων μετασχόντας, φιλοσοφίας δὲ ἀπολειφθέντας, ὁμοίους ἔλεγεν εἶναι τοῖς τῆς Πηνελόπης μνηστήρσι. Καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνους Μελάνθω μὲν καὶ Πολυδώραν καὶ τὰς ἄλλας θεραπαίνας ἔχειν, πάσας δὲ μᾶλλον ἢ αὐτὴν τὴν δέσποιναν δύνασθαι γῆμαι. And he adds passages from Scriverius and Pope, containing a similar idea. I have found the same thought quoted from Plutarch, with a new application of it, in an anonymous work of one of our most popular poets. "In the mean time our modest Sceptic, in the absence of truth, contents himself with probabilities, resembling in this respect the suitors of Penelope, who, when they found that they could not possess the mistress herself, very wisely resolved to put up with her maids; τῇ Πηνελόπῃ πλησιάζειν οὐ δυναμένοι, ταῖς ταύτης ἐμίγνυντο θεραπαίναις. Plutarch. περὶ παίδων ἀγωγῆς.” The Sceptic, a Philosophical Satire, p. 19, 1809.

12. δμωΐδες δὲ

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Sophocli καινοπαθής. Trach. penult.”

Æsch. Theb. 357. Blomf.

Blomf. Gloss. 358, in v. καινοπήμων.

Το this may be added Hom. Οd. Λ. Παρθενικαί θ ̓ ἁπάλαι, νεοπένθεα θυμὸν ἔχουσαι.

13. Μόνοι γὰρ ἔχουσί τε ἅμα καὶ ἐλπίζουσιν, ἃ ἂν ἐπινοήσωσι.

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Blest madman! who could ev'ry hour employ
With something new to hope, or to enjoy !

Thucyd. 1, 70.

Dryden's Absalom and Achitophel. -φίλους γε, κάτι μᾶλλον ἢ φίλους. Eurip. Hipp. 918.

The father, friend, and now the more than friend !

Lord Byron, Childe Harold, Canto 2, ad fin.

ὦ τλῆμον Ἑλλὰς, πένθος οἷον εἰσορῶ

ἕξουσαν, ἀνδρὸς τοῦδέ γ' εἰ σφαλήσεται.

Hei mihi! quantum

Soph. Trach. 1114.

Præsidium, Ausonia, et quantum tu perdis, Iule! Virg. Æn. 11.

Æsch. Pers. de Græcis.

16. αὕτη γὰρ ἡ γῆ ξύμμαχος κείνοις πέλει. ἐξεύρηται δέ σφι ταῦτα, τῆς τε γῆς ἐούσης ἐπιτηδέης, καὶ τῶν ποταμῶν ἐόντων σφι συμμάχων. Herod. Lib. 4, 47. de Scythis.

δείματός εἰμὶ ἐπιπλέοςὁρέων τοι δύο τὰ μέγιστα πάντων ἐόντα πολεμιώτατα τὰ δὲ δύο ταῦτα, ἔστι γῆ τε καὶ θάλασσα. Lib. 7, 49. (Artabanus ad Xerx.) τοῦ τε γὰρ χωρίου τὸ δυσέμβατον ἡμέτερον νομίζω, ὃ μενόντων Ô ἡμῶν ξύμμαχον γενήσεται, υποχωρήσασι δὲ, καίπερ χαλεπὸν ὂν, εὔπορον ἔσται, μηδενὸς κωλύοντος.

Thucyd. Lib. 4, 10. (Demosthenes ad milites in Pylo.)

17. ἀλλ ̓ ἡ φρόνησις ἡ 'γαθὴ, θεὸς μέγας.

Incert. ap. Stob. citante Brunck. ad Soph. Philoct. 782.
Juv. Sat. 10. penult.

Nullum numen abest, si sit prudentia.

18. ὦ Θάνατε, Θάνατε, πῶς ἀεὶ καλούμενος οὕτω κατ ̓ ἦμαρ, οὐ δύνῃ μολεῖν πότε;

Soph. Philoct. 797.

And over them triumphant death his dart
Shook, but delay'd to strike, though oft invok'd.

19. Ὃς καὶ ̓Αλεξάνδρῳ τεκτήνατο νῆας εΐσας, Αρχειακοὺς, αἳ πᾶσι κακὸν Δαναοῖσι γένοντο.

Milt. Par. L. 11.

Hom. II. E. 62.

Αθηναῖοι μὲν δὴ ἀναπεισθέντες, ἐψηφίσαντο εἴκοσι νέας ἀποστεῖλαι βοηθοὺς Ἴωσιαὗται δὲ αἱ νέες, ἀρχὴ κακῶν ἐγένοντο Ελλησί τε καὶ βαρβάροισι. Herod. Lib. 5, 97. 20. τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς χρὴ ἀσφαλεστέραν μὲν εὔχεσθαι, ἀτολμοτέραν δὲ μηδὲν ἀξιοῦν τὴν ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους διάνοιαν ἔχειν.

Thuc. Lib. 2, 43.

Disce, puer, virtutem ex me verumque laborem ;
Fortunam ex aliis.

Digna minus misero, non meliore viro. 21. ἀνδρῶν γὰρ ἐπιφανῶν πᾶσα γῆ τάφος.

In vain their bones unburied lie-
All earth becomes their monument !

22. Ite truces animæ, funestaque Tartara leto
Polluite.

Tollite de mediis animarum dedecus umbris,
Et Ditis purgate domos.

Virg. Æn. 12.
Ον. Ερ.
Thuc. ib.

Stat. Theb. 11.

Claud. Ruf. 2, ad fin.

23. Οὐ γὰρ ἐν σκότῳ ὑμᾶς οἱ θεοὶ ἀποκρύπτονται, ἀλλ' ἐμφανῆ πᾶσιν ἀνάγκη ἀεὶ Ζῇν τὰ ὑμετερὰ ἔργα.

Xen. Cyrop. VIII. (Cyrus moriens ad filios.) Eorum fortia facta memorando clariores sese (nobilitas Rom.) putant; quod contra. Nam quanto vita illorum præclarior, tanto secordia horum flagitiosior. Et profectò ita se res habet; majorum gloria posteris lumen est, neque boua neque mala facta in occulto patitur. Sallust. Jug. 86. (Marius ad milites.)

Nam si quis ab ineunte ætate habet causam celebritatis et nominis, aut a patre acceptam (quod tibi, mî Cicero, arbitror contigisse,) aut aliquo casu atque fortuna; in hunc oculi omnium conjiciuntur, atque in eum, quid agat, quem ad modum vivat, inquiritur: et tanquam in

clarissima luce versetur, ita nullum obscurum potest nec dictum ejus esse, nec factum. Cic. Off. 2, 13.

Omne animi vitium tanto conspectius in se

Crimen habet, quanto major, qui peccat, habetur.

Incipit ipsorum contra te stare parentum
Nobilitas, claramque facem præferre pudendis.

-cognoscas cunctis tua gentibus esse
Facta palam; nec posse dari regalibus unquam
Secretum vitiis: nam lux altissima fati
Occultum sinit esse nihil, latebrasque per omnes
Intrat, et abstrusos explorat Fama recessus.

Juv. Sat. 8.

Claud. VI. Cons. Hon.

ON THE

ORIGINALITY OF KUSTER'S DISCOVERY,

ABOUT THE TRUE FORCE OF THE MIDDLE VERB.

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LENNEP (de Analogia L. Gr. p. 104-10.) is mistaken in supposing that all the Grammarians and Critics, prior to the time of Kuster, "in eo tantum consistere Medii Verbi vim putasse, ut alia tempora active, alia passive caperentur, imò eadem tempora, modo active, modo passive significarent; cum tandem aliquando "Kusterus aliam plane viam ingressus sit, et, multis veterum locis in medium allatis, ostendat, hujus verbi medii vim non solum consistere in simplici, vel activa, vel passiva significatione, sed in virtute quadam, quæ inter utrumque media esset, sive, quæ simul active, simul passive, esset intelligenda, adeoque, quæ reciprocam efficeret significationem, per quam, nimirum, ipsi a nobis aliquid pati intelligimur, vel etiam ab altero, nostro jussu et voluntate." For Hieronymus Wolfius had, long previously to the appearance of Kuster's book, as Chr. Wolle has shown, noticed the genuine import of the middle verb; and as many scholars of the present day have fallen into the same mistake of attributing to Kuster the sole merit of this discovery, I feel myself called upon, partly with a view to prevent such misconception for the future, and partly in justice to the memory of Hieronymus Wolfius, to produce the passage, to which I allude :

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Neque vero plane nova sunt, quæ de hoc verborum mediorum

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