I am fenfible it may be here urged, admitting that King Charles endeavoured to bring the people of this nation under an arbitrary and defpotick power, and admitting that the people justly interpofed in the defence of their liberties; yet, feeing the civil war iffued in the fetting up fuch a power in this nation, tho' exercifed by another hand, how then can the interpofition of the people be faid to work our deliverance, when in the event it rather introduced or brought upon us a state of flavery?

I answer, that the long conteft betwixt the king and people introduced great changes and diforders in the affairs of this kingdom; and, as fome of those who were intrufted · with, or who under those distractions got poffeffion of power, wickedly abused that truft, and employed that power to answer bafe ends to themfelves, and to disappoint the defign of those who had been honestly engaged in the defence of our liberties, (which confequences could not be foreseen, and therefore could not be provided against): fo the convulfive and oppreffive state which this nation fell under, after the civil war, made way for that more peaceful and better government which fucceeded the restoration. And, if we admit what is fuppofed above, sis. that King Charles endeavoured to bring

the people of this nation under an arbitrary and defpotick power; if the people had not interpofed as they did; then, the confequence would have been, that the nation would have been enslaved to our latest pofterity, without any profpect of a deliverance: I fay, this must have been our cafe, for any grounds we could have had to hope or expect the contrary. So that, in this view of the cafe, the liberty we now enjoy, and which this nation hath enjoyed ever fince the restoration, is owing to the abovementioned interpofition of the people; and this I call a deliverance. And, as it would be this deliverance, and not the misfortunes of the prince, which we should be chiefly concerned to remember: fo furely, a day of fafting would be most unfutable and improper for that purpose. I now argue upon a fuppofition, that King Charles did endeavour to bring the people of this nation under an arbitrary and defpotick power; but whether this was the cafe or not, is befides the purpose of my prefent enquiry; and, as I obferved above, our publick form of divine fervice fuppofes this not to have been the cafe.

Secondly, If the prince who by virtue of his office is the guardian of the fociety's happiness, and upon which account alone it is that he has thofe greater honours

and

and rewards conferred upon him, in confideration of the greater fervice and benefit he does to the fociety; if he should betray his truft, and attempt and endeavour to enflave and make miferable the people committed to his care; then the reafon of the thing requires (because the publick good is always to be preferred) that the people fhould make ufe of all proper means

guard and fecure the common happiness. And, fuch a prince, our publick form of divine fervice appointed for the fifth of November, fuppofes King James the Second to have been, and it fuppofes this to have been our cafe at the late happy revolution. Which fuppofition, admitting it to be true, juftifies the people of this nation in invite ing the then Prince of Orange over to our rescue; it justifies their joining with that prince when he was come, in order to oppofe force with force if the cafe had required it; (and which afterwards was actually the cafe in Ireland;) and it juftifies our governours in appointing the fifth of November as a day of publick thanksgiving, for the deliverance of our church and nation from popery and flavery, by the happy arrival of his late Majefly King William the Third.

It is not to my purpofe to enquire, whether King James was that bad prince, or not, which I have defcribed above; it being D 2

fuf

fufficient to obferve, that our publick form of divine fervice fuppofes him to have been fuch; and it is that fuppofition, which in reason justifies our governours in appointing the anniversary folemnity aforefaid. For, if King James was a faithful guardian of the fociety's happiness, by protecting and defending the perfons and characters, the liberties and properties, the lives and thereby the happiness of his people; and, if he made the publick good, the rule and measure of his government: then, and in that cafe, the perfon and the life of King James were facred and inviolable, and all attempts made against him were crimes of the deepest dye, &c. But, our publick form of divine fervice, fupposes this not to have been the cafe.

Thus I have fhewn, what that one common principle is, upon which our governours can in reafon be juftified in appointing the two anniversaries here referred to, the one as a day of fafting, and the other as a day of thanksgiving what remains is for me to fhew, how these two anniversary folemnities, founded on this principle, are equally and jointly conducive to regulate the political behaviour both of prince and people.. And,

First, I am to fhew how thefe folemninities ferve to regulate, or rather to point out the political behaviour of the prince. And, here I beg leave to obferve, that as

the

the publick good ought in reafon always to be preferred, and as it is this principle upon which our governours can in reafon be justified, in appointing thofe anniverfaries: fo this points out to governours how they ought to act, viz. to make the publick good the principal object of their care, and the rule and measure of their government. Not only because this is their bounden duty, and the very end of their office; but also, because this is the most effectual way and means to fecure their title to, and their quiet and peaceable enjoyment of those greater honours and rewards, which they have in confideration of fuch their fervice to the fociety. The anniversary for the 5th of November, likewife tends to bring to the remembrance of our princes, the unhappy mifcarriage of the late King James; and this, minifters a kind caution to them, to act a wiser and a better part. These anniverfary folemnities, afford a kind monition to princes, to take care above all things to gain, and fecure to themselves (if poffible,) the affections and good will of their people. And, in order thereto, to be prudent and frugal as well in their publick adminiftrations, as in their private affairs; that fo, the weight and expence which government unavoidably brings along with it, may be rendered as, light and easy to the people, as it conveniently can be. And, as our governours are

placed