First. It has been discovered that the principles of civilization may be adopted for the adjustment of disputes between rulers, when they are inclined to peace.

Secondly. That the war policy" is not that on which the wisdom of God has founded the tranquillity and prosperity of nations," and that Christian rulers should adopt the maxims of Jesus Christ," who teaches mankind to live as brethren, not in hatred and strife, but in peace and love."

Thirdly. That "the most noble of all ambitions is that of promoting peace on earth and good will to man."

Fourthly. That a "useless expense and great danger of collisions" may be avoided in dismantling ships of war by a mutual agreement between different governments.

These discoveries have been arranged according to their dates.

The first was made by the Commissioners of peace in the Treaty of Ghent. Several questions were left undecided, which might have grown up to as just causes of war, as any which have been found in modern times. But to prevent such calamities in future, the Commissioners wisely agreed to adopt the principles of honest and civilized men-that is to say, if the questions could not be amicably settled by agents appointed by the parties, the decision should be referred to some friendly sovereign.-So far as men are honest and civilized, they will always prefer such a mode of settling their controversies, "to the blinder scourges of war, murder, and devastation." The latter mode is one of the relics of barbarism and the resort of uncivilized and unprincipled men.-Let it then be understood and forever remembered, that the principle adopted by the Commissioners at Ghent is appicable to every case of dispute between the rulers of different nations.

The second discovery resulted from the experience and observation of three European Monarchs, and was made. known by the Holy Alliance. Till then Christian princes seem to have imagined that they were not bound, like other men, to observe the peaceful maxims of the gospel; and that the safety of nations depended on a war policy. But

God taught the three sovereigns lessons of wisdom by woful experience, and then disposed them to proclaim the truth "in the face of the world."

The third discovery was made by Mr. Madison, and proclaimed in his Message at the opening of the last session of congress during his presidency. He, also, as well as the three sovereigns, had learned something from experience. He had witnessed the effects of a war policy-that wisdom which is from beneath; and, as became an honest man, he, like Solomon, was disposed to recommend a course different from that which he had found by experience to be "vanity and vexation of spirit." The doctrine that he advanced was one which had been hid from ages and generations" of rulers in former times; but it has now been revealed, and announced in such a manner, that we may hope it will never be forgotten.

The doctrine of Mr. Madison implies the severest censure of the war policy and ambition; for heaven and hell are not more opposite in their natures, than the "ambition for promoting peace and good will," and the ambition for war and violence ;-if the former is "the most noble of all ambitions," the latter is the most infamous and detestable, and ought to be so regarded by all mankind. It may also be remarked, that Mr. Madison's doctrine implies a decided approbation of the "ambition" of Peace Societies, and places their ex- · ertions among the "most noble" that can be named.

As the first of these rays of light emanated in an arrangement between the British government and our own, so did the fourth. In the first, the two governments agreed to adopt an amicable course for the settlement of existing difficulties; in the other, they adopted a method for preventing future collisions. The latter arrangement had been mentioned in the newspapers prior to No. 10, of the Friend of Peace. In that No. the account was reviewed with approbation. The statement has since been confirmed by President Monroe, in his first Message to congress. He says, "By this ar rangement, useless expense on both sides, and what is of still greater importance, the danger of collision between armed

vessels in those inland waters, is prevented." This is easily understood, and the principle is worthy of everlasting remembrance.

After the long and disastrous reign of a barbarous policy, which had no better foundation than ignorance, pride, avarice, malignity, and revenge, it must be gratifying to the benevolent mind to see the rulers of nations, one after another, thus adopting principles and maxims so accordant with the dictates of reason and the gospel. These four rays of light, if properly diffused and reflected, will give peace and tranquillity to the world; they will also consign to eternal infamy the war policy, with all its glitter and delusion. The friends of peace will ask no more of the rulers of nations, than a consistent and extended application of these four principles.

Let the rulers of the several nations come to an honest agreement, to extend the principle adopted in the treaty of Ghent to every case of national controversy,-to act towards each other on the benevolent maxims avowed in the Holy Alliance, and to employ their influence to give celebrity to "the most noble of all ambitions ;" then they may with perfect safety and great advantage extend the saving principle, which dismantled the vessels on the lakes.

With a dreadful kind of propriety ships of war have been denominated "floating hells." They have been a prolific source of collision and bloodshed, and it is believed that the time is not very distant when they will be generally regarded by reflecting men as a curse and a reproach to the nations of the earth. Were suitable provision made for the unfortunate victims, who are imprisoned in these receptacles of despotism, war, and vice, it would be a favor to mankind, if all the armed vessels throughout the world should be irrecoverably sunk in the depths of the ocean : At least we may say, it would be much better for the world to have them all sunk, than to have them employed as "floating hells," for tormenting and destroying the human family. How horrible is the thought that so great a portion of human beings and human efforts, has been devoted to the work of vengeance

and manslaughter; and that Christian nations should outdo even Mahometans and Pagans in this murderous folly, and still pretend to be the followers of the Prince of Peace!

There is perhaps no eminent ruler in Christendom, who does not profess to be a friend of peace, or who will not say that he is willing to do all he can consistently to prevent war. If such professions are sincere, why may not the desires of rulers be accomplished? Are they such barbarians that they can have no confidence in cach other? We hope better things of them. Why then may they not be persuaded to try our experiment for the prevention or abolition of war? They have expended millions after millions in providing ships of war and other kinds of military apparatus, with a professed design to preserve peace. But this policy has proved to be totally unadapted to such an object, and has probably occasioned fifty wars to every one which it has prevented.

Suppose then that the present rulers of Christian nations should so far change their policy as to form a compact for ten years, each engaging that in his own dominions an ef fort shall be made to diffuse the principles of peace, and to excite a just abhorrence of war; that for this purpose there shall be an annual appropriation, by each government, of as much money as would be requisite to build, equip, and man one ship of seventy four guns; that the rulers themselves shall take an active part in the business, and call on all the ministers of religion-on all the teachers of colleges, academies, and schools, and on all parents and masters, to coöperate in the benevolent design of rendering war as infamous and detestable, as it is unjust, inhuman, and antichristian: What would be the effect? Is there the least reason to doubt that in this way, and with this small expense, peace might be preserved throughout christendom, and war be made an object of as general reprobation, as unlicensed robbery and murder ?

Should such an experiment be faithfully made, there would probably never be another public war between any two christian nations. This remark, however, is not of the nature of

prophecy; it is founded on the immutable connexion between pacific causes and pacific effects. Without any further examination, we may venture to assert, that history does not furnish one instance of war which resulted from a pacific policy-no instance of war between two nations or two individuals, when, on each side, there was a real disposition for peace, and that a pacific policy will as invariably produce peace, as a hostile policy has produced war.

By such a policy and such an experiment, as have now been suggested, it would be easy to effect, in twenty years, such a revolution in public sentiment, that what delusion has called the field of glory," would be regarded as the field of infamy, as well as of horror. Then some nobler qualities of mind than those of the tiger, will be deemed requisite to insure a seat in the temple of fame, or a mansion in the kingdom of heaven.

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History has recorded many great changes in public sentiment, in regard to customs which were once popular; but not any of so great importance to the world, as that which is now contemplated. While war retains its popularity, as an honorable mode of deciding the quarrels of rulers, what are the most enlightened nations but barbarians, compared with what they will be when this atrocious custom shall have been abolished?

CONGRESS OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE.

Liverpool, Nov. 28, 1818. THE Conference at Aix-la-Chapelle having finally closed, and most of the Allied Monarchs and their Ministers having taken their departure, the state papers which are to announce to the world the results of this august Congress of Sovereigns, have at length made their appearance. papers are four in number, but they are neither very voluminous nor very explicit. The two first consist merely of an invitation to France to join the great confederacy, and the eager accession of that power to an alliance which is found.

These