Poison, the dagger, or some other means equally summary and fatal, would have despatched the Queen, and freed her disaffected husband from the bonds of matrimony. Hundreds of Queens perhaps, as innocent as Caroline, have by such means been removed from the world, without any form of trial. In those barbarous ages murders were frequent in the families of kings, and were passed over as things of course, or common occurrences. But public opinion is so far enlightened in England as well as in America, that kings are no longer supposed to have an uncontrolled right to dispose of the lives of their families, or their subjects. There are perhaps but few men in England so ignorant, that they would feel bound to obey an order of George IV, to take the life of the Queen, or even a common subject, by poison or assassination. But in former ages and in various countries such an order from a sovereign would have been deemed obligatory, and have been as promptly obeyed as a command to kill in public war. It is now understood, that a King has no more right than another man, to make private war, or to murder individuals without the forms of a legal proHence,

cess.

Second. As the trial of the Queen affords proof that one delusion has been dispelled, it gives reason to hope that the progress of light will dispel others equally barbarous and fatal. If a king has no right to make private war on an individual subject, or to despatch him without the forms of legal investigation; whence does he derive a right to make public war, and thus needlessly expose the lives of thousands of innocent people to inevitable destruction? If a subject is under no moral obligation to obey an unjust mandate, requiring private murder; why should he obey an order equally unjust, requiring public murder? We do not here inquire any thing as to the right of self-defence in cases of assault or actual invasion; but only in respect to the right of one government to invade the territories of another, and the duty of subjects to obey commands requiring such aggression or invasion. We ask, then, on what rational prin

ciple has a king a better right thus to expose the lives of his own subjects, or to cause them to kill the people of a foreign state, than he has to make private war, or to take the lives of individuals by assassination? As, in enlightened countries,* the progress of public opinion has already abolished the imaginary right of Kings in the latter case; what shall prevent a similar effect in regard to the former? If the number and frequency of private royal murders have been diminished by the improvements already made in public opinion and the state of society, may it not reasonably be expected, that similar means will yet diminish the number and frequency of public wars?

Third. The trial of the Queen may lead men to reflect on the danger of deciding a question in favour of war, by a bare majority of votes, and especially when that majority is made out by the votes of persons immediately interested. It was doubtless wise in the British ministry to relinquish the prosecution, when they found that their own votes were necessary to pass the bill. No one perhaps will deny, that the case involved perplexing circumstances, and that the understandings of the parties were very liable to be misled by their passions, and by the public excitement. These considerations demanded caution.

But this was not a question of life or death to the person accused. How much more then is depending on a bill or act to make war, when the lives of myriads of innocent persons must be sacrificed, if the bill passes. On no occasions are men more liable to be misled by their passions; and such questions are always decided by interested persons, when the bill passes in favour of war. How presumptuous

then it must be, to pass such a Death Warrant, by a bare majority of votes-votes too which are given under the direct influence of interested and exasperated feelings! What better right have rulers thus to vote away the lives of inno

• We say enlightened countries, because there are countries in which the right of private murder is still claimed by sovereigns.

cent subjects, than subjects have to vote away the lives of rulers who assume such power?

Fourth. The result of the Queen's trial affords proof, that, in a well informed community, rulers must pay respect to public opinion. Hence, should the eyes of people be opened in regard to the atrocities and miseries of war; rulers will forbear an appeal to arms, and adopt a 'ess barbarous mode of settling their controversies. Let the light which now shines on the savage right formerly claimed by kings, of taking at pleasure the lives of individuals, be duly extended to their more atrocious claims relating to wars of ambition, conquest, and revenge. Then the objects of Peace Societies will soon be attained. For then civilized rulers will abstain from public war, as they now abstain from private murder. Thus from the trial of Queen Caroline may be derived a clew to the abolition of war and the pacification of the world.

THE WARRIOR.

OH, welcome the warrior, who proudly advances,
Victorious from battle, a lord o'er the foe'
As the sun o'er a darken'd creation he glances,
For the strong and the valiant his arm has laid low.

Men, raise your deep voices in praise of his glory;
And women, in reverence bow at his name ;
Children, in lispings, re-echo the story,
And nations, attend to the trump of his fame.

His praise shall extend over land and wide ocean,
And princes will listen in wonder and joy;
In ages to come 'twill be heard with emotion,
And youth seize the sword all his foes to destroy.
Already your shout Heaven's concave is rending,
And the hero's great name is repeated around!-
But hark! as I listen, a wild streak is blending!
Another! another! increases the sound.

Oh Heaven! the moans of the wounded and dying
Are mix'd with the plaudits that swell in the air;
Wife, children, and friends, mid the tumult are crying,
"Death, death, to the conq'ror, who makes our despair."

I listen and fancy assists the faint mourning

Of an infant, whose parents are torn from the world,
Again-but now hoarser the sound is returning-
A sinner's dark soul from its mansion is hurl'd.

Again, a wild shriek! 'tis the grief of a lover,
Who, a maniac, wails for the youth of her heart,
In fancy she seems his cold body to cover

With the sear leaves of autumn that fluttering depart.

And is it for this that the laurel is given ?

When man turns a murderer and foe to his kind?
For this does the shout of applause reach to heaven?
From creatures for reason and virtue design'd?
Blush, hero, blush, while thou fancy'st before thee
The beings thy conquering arm has annoy'd,
Who frantic with want and affliction implore thee,
To give back the happiness thou hast destroy'd.
See fatherless infants that cling to their mothers,
While mothers stand shuddering and pale at thy name
See groups o'er the embers their eagerness smothers,
Who wail at thy praises, and weep at thy fame.

And what is the glory resplendent around thee?
A glittering meteor that fades in its blaze :

The light foam of waves whose bright sparkles surround thee,
Then dash on the shore, and disperse at thy gaze.

'Tis a rainbow, which brilliant near twilight appearing,
For a moment is form'd by the sun's friendly ray,
But the orb disappears with its brightness so cheering,
And darkness succeeds to the splendour of day.

Will the proud shout of triumph give joy to thy heart,
When misfortune or sickness has prey'd on thy frame?
The charm is but transient, its spell will depart,
And successors more honour'd arise to thy fame.

Be a patriot at home, and assist in those laws,
Which teach us religion, and virtue, and peace;
Be just to thy country, and warm in her cause,
But spill not her blood, and bid battle to cease.

Wood's Almanack, 1819.

PLAYING HANG.

In the course of 1820, some events were announced in the newspapers which seem to corroborate the growing opinion, that public executions are ill adapted to improve the human character, or to prevent crime. In consequence of such executions, children have invented a new kind of sport, which they call "Playing Hang." At this sport one boy lost his life; and, at another time and place, two children were found hanging, nearly dead, but were relieved by a parent.

Such occurrences should lead all men to reflect on the propensity of the human mind to imitation; and on the danger of rendering death by violence, familiar, showy, and imposing. The parade which usually attends public executions is adapted to prevent any salutary effects; and the frequent and incongruous associations of pomp and punishment, show and manslaughter, have probably had a pernicious influence on the feelings of men and the morals of society, in every region of the world. By such associations, resulting from public executions, and from the mimicry of military murder, in learning the art of war; children are prepared to make sport of the various forms of inflicting on men misery and death. Hence they play hang, and play shoot, and play stab.

But if these things be done in the green tree, what will be done in the dry!" When children grow up under the influence of such associations, and become accustomed to making sport of the violent forms of taking human life, what is to be expected of them in riper years? Should they be elevated to office, will they not be prepared to encourage and make war, with all the insensibility of stoics or barbarians? And if in the lower ranks of life, will they not be prepared to engage in the work of human slaughter, with as much gaiety, levity, and eagerness, as they ever engaged in the sports of childhood?

It is not asserted nor pretended, that the influence to which we have referred is universal on all who are exposed to it; nor that it is always permanent and invincible, where it has a temporary effect. It may be counteracted by various causes; or the subjects of it may become convinc ed of its pernicious tendency, and thus escape its ultimate evils. All we assert is, that such associations of parade and homicide naturally produce bad effects on the human mind, and expose men to adopt and pursue the paths of mischief and rain. So much we believe can be supported from history, observation and experience; and so much being supported or granted, all parents and legislators should be in