had no previous knowledge of this expedition to Greece, he is accurately acquainted with what is to ensue, and foretells them of the destruction of the army which was left in Greece, at the battle of Platææ; and tells them that these misfortunes are the punishment of the impiety of the Persians, who had burnt and destroyed the temples and altars of the Grecian Gods. He then returns to the regions of darkness, having first impaired the sublimity of the scene, by advising the queen to go and meet her son Xerxes, with a handsome change of apparel, as he would shortly make his appearance in a very tattered condition. This particular, as well as the whole scene which ensues upon the return of the king, was evidently intended to make the Athenians merry at the discomfiture of their boasting invaders. For the same purpose the Chorus is made to enquire after a number of the Persian chiefs, whose hard sounding and barbarous names would raise a laugh among the audience; such as, v. 258. οι οί, που δε σοι Φαρνούχα ἢ ΛίλαιΘ. εὐπάτως, Καὶ Μασίσρας, Αρτεμβάρης το In the rude simplicity of this plot, it is easy to observe prominent faults; but they are more than redeemed by the uncommon beauties of the composition. And it is to be observed, that it was written in the very beginning of the art, before the limits of the grave and ludicrous dramas had been accurately defined: we have the testimony of antiquity, that schylus was the first author of the serious and legitimate tragedy. As to the slight intermixture of the ludicrous in this play, our countrymen are too devoted admirers of Shakespeare to think severely of that defect, if, considering the subject and time of representation, it can be called a defect at all. Mr. Blomfield in his preface, p. xix, gives a most ingenious and learned argument to prove the fallacy of the ordinary account of the number of the tragic Chorus having been limited to fifteen in the time of Eschylus. The story was of itself suspicious from the manifestly erroneous story of fifty furies with horrible masks, which made the women miscarry with fright, &c. That the Chorus of the Eumenides consisted not of fifty, but of three, appears as well from the play itself as from the concurrence of the poetic mythology. But this question is so E 2 ably ably treated by Mr. B., that we must present it to the reader in his own words: τη "Sed quoniam Chori mentio injecta est, lectorem aliquantulum morabor, dum meam de hac quæstione sententiam paucis declarem. Totum illud commentum de terrore spectatoribus injecto, et de lege ista occasione lata, rejiciendum puto: néque enim quinquaginta Furiæ plus terroris incussissent quam quindecim; quum spectaculi horror non tam e numero Chori quam ex apparatu penderet. Hunc autem terrificum fuisse liquet, tam ex ipsius Poetæ descriptione, quam ex Pausaniæ loco I. p. 20. ed. Ald. πρῶτος δέ σφισιν (ταῖς Εὐμενίσιν) Αἰσχύλω δράκοντας ἐποίησεν ὁμοῦ ταῖς ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ θριξίν. Valde autem dubito an in modicis, quibus Eschylus instraverat pulpita tignis, locus esset quinquaginta Furiis. Quinetiam tantum abest ut quinquaginta simul in scenam prodiisse putem, ut certum mihi videatur, ne quindecim quidem, sed tres tantum, in orchestra constitisse. Neque enim credibile est Æschylum in patriæ superstiosæ mythologia tam audacter innovasse, ut numerum dearum, quas Athenienses summa cum religione colerent, ex tribus ad quinquaginta augeret: vere enim observavit Salmasius in Epistola de Herode Infanticida p. 36. deorum personas non fingi a poetis, sed accipi. Eodem pertinet Aristotelis observatio de tragicis; τῶν γενομένων ὀνομάτων ἀντέχονται τοὺς γὰρ παρειλημμένους μύθος μύειν οὐκ ἔσι. Ternas autem fuisse Eumenidas, vel pueris notissimum est; ternas tantum poetas agnovisse, loça, quæ sequuntur, evincunt. Eurip. Orest. 1664. Ἐνθένδε τ' ἐλθὼν τὴν ̓Αθηναίων πόλιν, Harpocratio; Αἰσχύλω Εὐμενίσιν, εἰπὼν τὰ περὶ τὴν κρίσιν τὴν Ὀρέσε "Similes caussæ faciunt ut putem in Cabiris et Phorcisin eundem fuisse Chori numerum, nempe ternarium; quem etiam in Heliasin forte ex tribus, certe non pluribus quam septem constitisse opinor. Danai quidem filiæ, quæ in Supplicibus Chori partes sustinent, quinquaginta erant (v. 316.) sed parum verisimile est istum numerum simul in pulpitis stetisse. Quænam igitur mea sit sententia de Chori constitutione, ex præmissis colligi potest, nempe in Æschyli ævo certam legem, quæ numerum ejus definiret, nullam exstitisse; quod etiam ex natura rerum credibile fit, si recentis tragœdiæ tragœdiæ conditionem spectamus, quam primus ipse Eschylus ex humo sustulerat, modicoque instruxerat apparatu.' Pref. xix. A part of Mr. Blomfield's Preface relates to the residence of Eschylus at Syracuse, whither he went after the performance of those three noble tragedies which have survived, the Aga* memnon, Chocphori, and Eumenides; he exposes some prevalent errors respecting this part of the life of the poet. Leav ing, however those inatters, which do not immediately concern the Persæ, we shall proceed to notice a few interesting remarks, taken almost at raudom from his notes upon the tragedy. In v. 21, the name 'Aplapépins is changed into 'Aplappens to suit the anapastic measure. For the same reason we have in vv. 29, 31, 'Ag¶εulaghs and Dagavdans, each à double spondee, though they are subsequently used in the lambics with their pe nultimates short. Mr. Blomfield remarks, "Eschylus hæc Persarum nomina partim finxit, partim ad versuum modulum immutavit." It is so much the fashion of modern poetry to amuse the ears of the readers with lists of well-sounding names, that if this licence be once assumed by our poets, there is no saying to what an extent it may be carried; and we give notice, that we shall protest against it accordingly. The Athenians might take liberties with the names of their vanquished enemies, which it would ill become us to imitate, in speaking of mountains in the Highlands, or promontories of the Archipelago. 1. 41. αβροδιαίτων δ ̓ ἕπεται Λυδῶν ἔχλΘ, οἵτ ̓ ἐπίπαν ἠπειρογενὲς Mr. B. conceives, that by this obscure expression, the poet intended to designate the Ionian states, whom he no where names as composing part of the Persian armament, and who had unwillingly followed in the expedition which was to annihilate their kindred and natural allies the Athenians. In the same way, we presume a Russian poet, celebrating the discomfiture of Buonaparte's expedition to Moscow, would carefully avoid enumerating the Prussian or Austrian forces who accompanied We shall extract the account given in the glossary of two adjectives aλegos and xvava, which appear not only learned, but much more satisfactory than any explanation of their usages which can be found elsewhere. 1. 61. οὓς πέρι πᾶσα χθὼν Ασιή της θρέψασα, πόθῳ δένεται μαλερών 11 62. Manigós, Ardens navrinds, papainos Schol. et Hesych. Apollon こ Apollon. Rhod. I. 374. μαλεροίο πυρός. ubi Schol. μαλεροί, οι νεών τεροι, του λαμπροῦν οἱ δὲ [παλαιοὶ] τοῦ μαραντικοῦ. Sophocl. Cd. Τ. 190. *Αρέα τὸν μαλερόν, ubi Schol. τὸν καταμαραίνοντα. Aristotel. in Analect. Brunck. I. p. 177. πόνες μαλερούς. Homerus et Apollonius hanc vocem non nisi de igne usurpant. Noster Choeph. 323. πυρὸς μαλερά γνάθο. Epigr. ap. Suid. in voce, μαλερὸν θάλπο. Fuit autem, ni fallor, vox antiqua μάλα vel μάλη, ignis, vel aqua fervens, vel simile quid, unde μαλερός, et μαλάσσω, coquendo mollio. Sic a φόβο, φοβερός, ο βλαβή, βλαβερός, 2 κρύο, κρυερός, et similia.” Ρ. 104. V. 83. κυανοῦν δ ̓ ὄμμασι λεύσσων. σε 83. Κυάνιο. Ceruleus. Pausanias X. 28. p. 250. κυανά τὴν χροιαν μεταξύ ἐςι καὶ μέλανθ, ὁποῖαι καὶ τῶν μυιῶν αἱ πρὸς τὰ κρέα εἰσὶ προσιζάνουσαι (Angl. Blue-bottle flies.) Cyanus igitur paullo dilutior est quam istarum muscarum color: unde flosculus quidam ob colorem vocatur cyanus, (the blue-bell.) Secundum Eustath. ad Iliad. Λ. 728, 20. κυάνεον cœlum est, ἱπηνίκα ἐςὶ πάντη ανέφελα. Plato Timmo, p. 543. λαμπρὸν δὲ λευκῷ ξυνελθὸν, καὶ εἰς μέλαν καλά κορὲς ἐμπεσὸν, κυανοῦν χρῶμα ἀπολελεῖται. Quare falsus est Is. Vossius ad Catull. p. 218. qui κυάνεον idem esse ait ac φαιόν vertitque violaceum. Non est tamen dissimulandum poetas antiquissimos in hoc epitheto parum sibi constare. Sæpissime de serpentibus ponitur, e. g. Iliad. Δ. 39. Hesiod. Scut. 167. ut apud Latinos caruleus; interdum vero de atris nubibus, ut in Hesiod. Theogon. 745. de hirundine, Simonid. ap. Schol, Aristoph. Αν. 1410. Ceterum κυάν sæpe adhibetur de oculorum adspectu. Hesiod. Scut. 7. βλεφάρων απο κυανεάων. Ibycus fragm. I. Ursin. Ἔρως αυτέ με κυανίοισιν ὑπὸ βλεφάροις όμμασι τακερά δερκόμενος. Eurip. Alc. 260. ὑπ' οφρύσι κυαναυγέσι βλέπων πτερωτός Αΐδας. Hesiod. Scut. 356. Θεμισονόην κυανωπιν. Alciphron. III. 1. καὶ τὰς βολὰς τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἔσι κυαναυγής. "" Ρ. 107. . V. 89. δόκιμΘ. δ ̓ οὔ τὶς ὑποςὰς μεγάλῳ ρεύματι φρωτών άμαχον κύμα θαλάσσας. Mr. B. has adopted the reading of the editions of Aldus and Robertellus, είργειν, instead of the common reading εἴργειν, and we think rightly. The difference to the eye is very small, but that of the signification is considerable, είργειν is to keep in, to res train; sigye, to exclude, keep off. Mr. B. appears, however, in his glossary, to have forgotten the reading of his own text, and to revert to the discarded work. He properly corrects the ordinary interpretation of the passage. σε Δόκιμος alustris. Minus recte Stanleius, exspectandus, quod foret προσδόκιμο Herodot. I. 152. et alibi, ἄνδρα δοκιμώτατον. 5 VII. 117. δόκιμο κόνια παρά Ξέρξη. VIII. 73, δόκιμοι πόλιες. Eurip. Suppl. 228.doxquáτat Exxádi. Cf. Iph. T. 176. Constructio est, outis dónimos eye. Nemo adeo fortis est ut arceat: sic in Prometh. 59. Δεινὸς γὰρ εὑρεῖν καξ ἀμηχάνων πόρους. Simili cons structione Horatius superare pugnis Nobilem, Fortis tractare. Multa alia vide apud Bentleium ad Horat p. 3. Lambin. et F. Ursin. ad Virgil. Ecl. V. 1." P. 109. We may remark, that the lines just quoted, as well as a considerable part of this chorus, are Tonic a Minore, of the purest form; a species of lyric verse, the composition of which was very laborious, if we may judge by the small number of odes written in that measure, which have reached us. The merit of detecting this measure here, and at the conclusion of the supplices, is due to Dr. Burney, whose arrangement is followed by Mr. Blomfield. It is well known, that Horace, the imitator of the Greek lyric measures, once only has adopted this verse; B. III. Ód. 12. Miserarum est neque amori dare ludum, neque dulci, &c. which is entirely composed of these feet, without a deviation or licence of any description. V. 119. ταῦτά μοι μελαγχίτων φρὴν ἀμυσσείαι φόβῳ. We cannot refuse ourselves the pleasure of giving Mr. Blomfield's accurate observations on the word usλayxilwv, which is completely Eschylean. Fortiori metaphora "ExToga d' aivor ax μένεα δε μέγα φρένας "119. Meλayxitwy. Pulla veste amictus. exprimere voluit Homericum, Iliad. P. 83. σύκασε φρένας ἀμφὶ μελαίνας. et Α. 103. ἀμφὶ μέλαιναι Πίμπλαντ'. ubi Schol. Venet. ἤδη δὲ οἱ νεώτεροι μελαίνας Tàs Ppéras pacír. Nostri Scholiasta Homerum in animo habuit, cum μελαγχίτων per αμφιμέλαινα explicaret. Male autem pergit ή συνετή καὶ ἐν βάθει κειμένη, καὶ ἀφανης οὖσα, quo in errore versati sunt Homeri interpretes, et Hesychius, Minawa Opéres, ai Babies, imo tristes, solicita. Theognis 1199. xai moi xpadinu imálage μídavar, Οττι μοι εὐανθεῖς ἄλλοι ἔχεσιν ἀγρούς. Noster Choeph. 411. Σπλάγ μοι κελαινοῦνται πρὸς ἔπῶν κλύουσαν. Suppl. 792. Μελανόχρως δὲ πάλλεται με καρδία. Sophocl. Ajac. 968. "Η ρα κελαινωπὸν Θυμόν iquepic. ubi egregia quædam adnotavit Musgravius. Cf. Gataker. ad M. Antonin. IV. 28." P. 112. The reading of all editions, before the present, is Mr. B. justly observes that wasparov, whether it be used for #algávuμov or walgovoumnov, is a barbarous word; and accord |