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tion to the lower classes be steadily pursued, and let new chạn.
nels of industry be laid open. 'I hese are the only practicable
remedies. We believe that a system of vigilant and rigorous.
police, which our author seems to recommend, would be inef,
ticácious for the attainment of the importaxt ends which; he
proposes. Such expedients have been often tried, and have in:
variably failed of producing that most desirable result; but
wherever they have been instituted they have sooner or later
been perverted to purposes of vexation and political oppression ;
and, without improving the morals, have greatly deteriorated the
manners of the people.

Our author observes, that it is

A melancholy truth, obvious to all who may have devoted their attention to the manners and habits of the labouring classes, that they have retrograded in morals in the course of the last thirty years; and that a considerable change has taken place in the state of society, particularly in vulgar life, since the commencement of the French revolutionary war, which has been, in a certain degree, disorganized in every country in Europe.".

We cannot subscribe to this severe censure çast upon tủe lower classes of our fellow subjects. With respect to drunkenness, the prevailing immorality of English ļabourers, we believe that in the metropolis, and in the country, it is much less requent than in former times. The representations of their manners, iuimitably pourtrayed by Hogarth in several of his productions, were not considered extravagant thirty years ago, but they are now regarded as recording a state of morals which subsists no longer, and as bearing no resemblance to any thing now presented to observation. The poor are much more enlightened ihan their forefathers, not in matters of doubtful and dangerous speculation, but in religion and useful knowledge. We believe that the Sabbath is every where more reverentiy observed than in former times. Capital executions are certainly much less frequent, and the cominission of atrocious crimes we believe to be much rarer than formerly. As to the positive virtues, we cannot but raise our feeble voice in testimony to the patience aud good humour with which the poor have borne the many hard privations to which they have been subject in these tinies of difficulty ; we must remeinber too, that to their unyielding Joyalty we owe the stability of the state and the grandeur of our .conntry, which the work before us so ably illustrates ; that they *sent forila the burave and generous warriors who have established our naval superiority, and our triumphant commerce in every quarter of the globe; they filled the ranks which, first stood in firm array against the battalions of France; while they were

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yet Aushed with conquest ; they repelled the insolent invaders from Portugal and Spain; and lately, on the glorious field of Waterloo, they crushed the last gigantic efforts of the revolutionary foe.

We are of opinion, that during the last thirty years there has been a great amelioration of the manners of the lower classes; and we presume to attribute the improvement of the moral con. dition of the poor, (as yet, we trust, progressive, but capable of being greatly augmented), to certain powerful causes, which necessarily produce most beneficial effects wherever they ope. rate. The higher classes, at least as to manners, are them selves considerably improved. We ofteu meet with a country gentleman of cultivated mind, who tempers the power derived to him from wealth and starion, by the milder influence of chality and general christian benignity. The character of an All worthy is not peculiar to romance, but very often appears in real life ; but we shall search in society, without success, for a remote resemblance to the low tyranny and ferocious barbarity which was too faithfuily pourtrayed for the country gentleman of those days, in Sir John Brute and Squire Western. The clergy of the establishment are much more solicitous than formerly in the exercise of their sacred function. The societies for promoting Christian Knowledge, for National Education, and for the discouragement of vice, for there are many 'to be found in every diocese, do not toil in yain. The infant poor havę hardly any where been wholly destitute of religious education during a long period. The general establishment of friendly societies, under the patronage of magistrates and the gentry, assuming, in all instances, the strictest rules of morality

as the basis of their institution, have had a powerful operation to civilize and improve the moral condition of all their members.

Whether the poor deserve praise for their virtues, or censure for their increased depravity, it may not be very important to determine. All good' men concur in desiring, that nothing may be omitted which shall make them really better than they are. It is more charitable, and far more consolatory to those who love them to find motives to approve rather than to condemn them. In either case, we cordially agree with our author, that it is most desirable

To give their industry a proper and beneficial direction, so as to promote the general happiness and comfort of the community, by affording them employment in every species of productive labour, and even in national works, which individual interprise may be found inadequate to compass. To effect their full employment, a considerable part of the public revenue could not be more

beneficially

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ficially employed. Their labour, under proper direction, will leave its full value behind, and no loss can arise to the state."

The fifth and sixth chapters contain a succinct account of the public revenues and expenditure, from the earliest dawn of our authentic history to the present period, It is very curious to observe the difficulties with which our earlier monarchs were supplied by means, apparently ruinous to the community, with sums which bear no proportion to the full tide of revenue now steadily flowing to the exchequer, and in its course not enfeebling, but stimulating the energies of the country in arms, in arts, commerce, and manufactures. It is most encouraging to the friends of our constitutional liberty, and our present tiational policy, to observe, that the difficulties of tinance gradually disappeared when the foundations of the monarchy were fixed in the power and independence of parliaments, and that the current of our prosperity began to rise when we aspired to the elevation which we have but recently completely attained, in which we direct the counsels of Europe against any presuming aggressor: who might attempt to destroy the general balance of states, set limits to the ambition of every powerful potentate, and sustain the efforts of the weak, by active co-operation against all encroachment.

Under this practical constitution, and never deviating from this liberal policy,

" The progress of the revenue during the last century, and up to the present period, furnishes the most incontestible proofs of the rapid increase of the wealth of the country. At the union, in the reign of queen Anne, the income of England amounted 10

5,691,8031. It increased during the reign of George 1. to 6,762,6431.

During the reign of George II. 8,522,5401.

During 53 years of the present reign 64,979,9601. Nothing has been sacrificed to this vast revenue which has thus progressively increased to its present prodigious amount. It has at every period been raised upon the growing produce of the national capital and estate, without impairing either, but leaving both to be freely augmented. It has been by the great augmentations of both, that this increase of revenue has proceeded; and it now operates nut as an insupportable burthen, not as a check to industry and commerce, but as an evidence of the extensive and incalculable resources which as a nation we possess. Yet during the whole period of the progress of this prosperity, ignorant or ill designing persons have continually complained, that our ruin was at land, and inevitable. Wood, the secretary of the customs, said to George 1st.

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6. That our trade was then expiring, our foreign commerce in many parts entirely lost, and in general suspended : what little was left us was become too precarious to be called ours.”

In 1725 Philip enumerated the detail of the taxes and asked,

“ Can we wonder at the decay of our commerce under such circumstances ? Should we not rather wonder that we have any left. All our pomp is false lustre, we owe more than we are worth, our money is diminished, we have little left but paper credit,” " : But it is judiciously remarked by Colquhoun, that

" When through the medium of the facts which he discloses, the revenue of Great Britain and Ireland is contemplated, and when with these facts are coupled the gloomy prospects held out in the writings of the last century, predicting the absolute ruin of the nátion, when the burdens imposed upon the people were not one twentieth part of what they are at present, and when the national debt did not exceed a tenth part of its present amount, how much would these gloomy pamphleteers be astonished were they to rise from the dust, and contemplate the events which have so com pletely falsified their predictions."

The expences are minutely detailed and the history of each branch of the expenditure is elaborately traced. It appears that at his majesty's accession, 800,000l. were allotted for the expences of the civil list, which includes his majesty's privy purse, pensions and allowances to the royal family, the support of the lord chancellor and all the judicial departments of the foreign ministers, of the board of treasury, ard of various other departments which exercise immediately under the sovereign the functions of government. The civil list is now increased to 1,080,0001.; the charges of the navy in 1761, a year of extended warfare were 5,079,602). in 1813 they were 91,912,01l.In the interval a navy debt was contracted amounting to 116,641,8621. The navy, our national bulwark, till the maritime powers were driven from the seas by our great superiority of force, was augmented in each succeeding war. In the last war there was generally in commission, refitting and in ordinary, 261 ships of the line, 36 ships of 50 guns, 264 frigates, 177 sloops, 14 bombs, 172 brigs, 46 cutters, and 64 schooners, navigated and fought by 140,000 seamen, and $1,540 marines. This is the paval force which some of our politicians within parliament and without, have considered as likely at no distant day to be overcome by the naval pre-eminence of the thirteen United States of America, consisting we believe at present of about 5 frigates, and several others in the dock-yards, intended to supply the want of the two or three which ibey tost in the late war.

In

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3761, there was granted for military services, 8,844,030l. In 1813, 33,089,334). The average expences of the ordnance at the beginning of the reign were 608,1791. yearly, in 1813 they were 4,464,2731. The barrack department in that latter year cost 460,5871. A particular detail of every other branch of expenditure is given by our author. At the end of the chapter is a table of the income and expenditure for the year 1813, which presents in a narrow compass the splendid results of the details given in the text.

The increase of the expenditure of the empire has indeed proceeded during the reign of his present majesty beyond the reach of possible anticipation, but let it be remembered for what great objects we have had to contend, and what great achievements we have made." We now assume the highest place in the scale of powers, and have abundant security in our great superiority. The civil expences of the state have increased in a very small proportion. "We remember the sturdy republican who justified the rebellion against king Charles, by asserting that the trappings of a njonarchy cost more than all the expences of a commonwealth. But we learn in the volume before us, that the long parliament divided among themselves out of the publick treasury, 300,0001. a year, and the lord protector expended 60,0001. a year, merely, in procuring intelligence. The privy purse, intended to defray all the personal expences of the sovereign, whieh may be considered as the king's salary, is 60,0001. A sum less than the income of some private individuals.

An interesting history of the publick debt ensues. At the death of king William it amounted to 16,394,7021. In the reign of queen Anne it was increased to 52,145,363). It was diminished by George the first to 52,092,235l. At the peace of 1762, it aniounted to 146,682,6441.

“ It was during the first war of George II. that a practice, which commenced in the reign of queen Anne, of adding an artificial to the real capital which was borrowed, had been carried to any considerable height. And hence," says our author, « it has often happened in many loans, that the state has acknowledged itself in 1001, to the creditor, when only from 54 to 601. were Actually received. It is difficult to account for the adherence to a system on the part of experienced and able financiers of more modern times, apparently so injurious to the nation."

We rather deem it difficult to account for the great misapplication of terms which we detect in this short statement, pro. ceeding from a superficial consideration of the subject, into which it is surprising that this able writer should have fallen,

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