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tain therefore refolved to proceed to the lower end of the Gulph, where, according to the information of a Greek pilot on board, plenty of provifions and fresh water might be procured. The veffel reached the place pointed out by the pilot in the middle of the night; and as foon as day began to appear, Jumelin haftened upon deck to fee if any thing prefented itfelf worthy of obfervation. He perceived, to the fouth, a port fheltered by a small island; to the west, a chain of mountains, of which the cape formed the fummit; and to the north, in front of the veffel, at a little distance, a fandy fhore, which promised a fafe and good mooring. On this ftrand, not far from the fea, was a building of a confiderable size, but of an uncouth form; and beyond it a hill, covered from the top to the bottom with fmall and mean houfes. In a plain, a little concealed by the hill, he was furprised to perceive a vaft extent of ruins, which feemed to announce, that formerly the place had been the feat of a large and powerful city.

"This discovery," fays Jumelin, "appeared to me to be more curious and interefting, as no traveller, that I know, has fpoken of these ruins; and as the Lacedæmonians had not the reputation of being fumptuous in their edifices, and even not a veftige of Sparta remains.'

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"The building nearest to the fea ferved for an habitation for the principal perfon in the district, the other inhabitants of which occupied the hill. Thefe people were tractable and humane, having no refemblance to the inhabitants of the cape, although they have frequent intercourfe with them. They furnished us with fheep and other provifions. Their chief came to pay us a vifit; but the captain, who was a man of brutal manners, would not fuffer him to come on board, and even refufed him a rope he begged to have to faften his boat to the fhore.??

"I asked thefe people the name of the city whofe ruins I beheld, but I received no fatisfactory answer. They called it Paleapolis, which fignifies ancient town,' and is a general name given by the Greeks to the feveral ruins of their country. I was eager to land to examine the ruins. I flattered myfelf with finding infcriptions, remains of temples, amphitheatres, and other public buildings; and had even prepared to make sketches of whatever might appear interefting; but the refentment of the chief of the district, excited by the conduct of our captain, fhewed itfelf in prohibiting my landing."

Jumelin thus prevented, to his infinite

regret, from closely infpecting objects which at a distance fo greatly excited his curiofity, fixed his eyes attentively on the plain. He could perceive heaps of broken materials, but he could not distinguish their forms. On the fhore, were many remains of buildings ftill standing; and, among the reft, the remains of a portico, compofed of columns, which fupported a pediment. The waves of the fea almoft reached thefe columns; but Jumelin fuppofed they had not stood fo near the fea when they were firft raifed. This conjecture was foon changed into certainty; for he perceived that the fea had made inroads in that quarter, and actually covered walls partially overthrown; and ruins of buildings, whofe broken points, in fome places, projected above the waves, clearly indicating that a city had been buried, by fome accident, beneath the sea.

Jumelin neglected nothing that could be done in his fituation toward elucidating this difcovery. Having obferved every thing with attention that could be feen from the veffel, he had recourse to his books. Paufanias informed him, that the place he faw was the remains of the Port of Githium. The defcription given by Paufanias of that port; its fituation; the mall river which flows near it; the Ifland of Cranais (the scene of the triumph of Paris over Helen) were so many proofs to Jumelin that he had discovered the ruins of a city that was the Maritime Arsenal of the Lacedemonians. To judge of it by what he perceived, he was convinced that it was not without reafon that Livy had faid fo much of it, in defcribing the fiege of the place by the brother of the proconful, Quintius Flaminius.

The French veffel, being furnished with water and provifions, weighed anchor on the 15th of June, and encountered another ftorm while the endeavoured to double the cape, which was nearly fatal to her, and compelled her to take refuge at the Inland of

Cytherea. Jumelin fays, that this ifland, although for the moft part barren and uncultivated, has, notwithstanding, some delightful valleys, where there are groves of myrtles, with alleys leading to folitary receffes. It is to be fufpected, from these places, that the inhabitants have not altogether renounced the ancient worship of the goddefs of the ifland, who feems indeed never to have had magnificent temples of stone in this place, as no remains of ancient buildings are to be found in the whole island. A Greek, who was Jumelin's guide, pointed out to him, in the walls of a church, fome fragments of old columns,

which he afferted to have been taken from a temple of Venus; but, belides the fact being doubtful, thefe fragments had no. thing grand in their appearance.

Jumelin endeavours to reconcile the different opinions of travellers refpecting the Magniottes; who are maintained by fome to be a mild and hofpitable people, and by others a horde of robbers. He thinks both opinions are correct, accordingly as they are applied to the inhabitants of the cape, or thofe that refide in the interior part of the country. Cape Matapan, the ancient Tenarus, is a fterile coaft, crowded with frightful rocks, and peopled with men in all refpects worthy of the foil; but further in the country the Magniottes form a nation, of uncultivated manners, and poor, but frank, mild, and hofpitable; and this difference is easily explained, by the different manner of living of one and the other; the latter live on the produce of their lands and flocks; the former have alfo fome flocks, but live principally on plunder.

For the Monthly Magazine.

Extracts of Letters from the Rev. HARRY
TOULMIN, lately of CHOWBENT in
LANCASHIRE, now of FRANKFORT, in

KENTUCKY, NORTH AMERICA.

gales abated, the wind got more to the weft, fo that we were obliged to make a foutherly courfe, with a view of availing ourfelves of the trade-winds. On Wednelday the 5th of June, being in the latitude of 34 deg. 31 min. and in the longitude of 39 deg. 54 min. we fell in with a northerly wind, which, to our great fatisfaction, enabled us to fteer again towards the west.

Being now arrived in a latitude so much more fouth than what we had been in a week before, the weather became confiderably warmer, and the fun being more di. rectly over our heads than in northern latitudes, we had recourfe to an awning of blankets upon deck for the fake of shade. Farenheit's thermometer, at one o'clock in the afternoon, stood at 75 deg. in the fhade, and at 82 in the fun. I covered one thermometer with a bit of white cloth, and another with a bit of black cloth. In half an hour, the thermometer covered with black, rofe 6 degrees higher than it was before; whereas the other rose only 1 degree: a plain proof of the advantage of white hats, when one is exposed to the fervent fun. A fimilar experiment, made at another time, thewed that white is much cooler than green likewife. We were deftined however to experience much warmer weather than this, and found it necessary

A per

May 14, 1793, we failed from Brif tol in the fhip, Sifters, which was bound for Norfolk, in Virginia, though fhe belonged to Portland, in the State of Maffachuffets. Our fhip, according to custom, was navigated by a British pilot and his man, till we came off the island of Lundy, which is about 80 miles from Briftol. From thence he returned on Thurfday morning, and we proceeded with a nor therly wind and pleafant weather. The wind and weather continued favourable to us till Monday, the 27th; by which time we were in the latitude of 44 deg. 58 min. north, and in the longitude of 33 deg. 5 min. So remarkably had we been favoured, that we began to calculate upon the poffibility of completing our voyage in less than a month. On Tuesday, however, we had fome ftrong gales, which continued, with occafional rain, for the ipace of two or three days. The fea running high, we were toffed about a good deal and though we were never in the leaft danger, it was enough to give fome of our family the full expectation of going to the bottom. The most unpleasant circumftance attending it was, that it renewed that fickness which till then had left most on board. As the

for fhade over the quarter deck. Our northerly wind having continued but a little while, we were obliged to purfue our foutherly courfe; and it was not till we had paffed the tropic of cancer, that we fell in with the trade-winds. It was the 16th of June, before we were able to make for the west, when our latitude was 23 deg. 20 min. and our longitude 45 deg. 53 min. We had then but light winds. They continued till the last of June, or the firft of July, when they became fomewhat brifker; and on the 2d, we began to recover the latitude we had loft, and purfued a north-eaft courfe. We were then in latitude 24 deg. 45 min. longitude 65 deg. 4 min.

You will no doubt be anxious to hear what incidents happened to us upon the voyage. The principal occurrence took place in the courfe of the first week. On the Saturday morning, we obferved a fhip at a confiderable diftance, feemingly i purfuit of us. We conjectured, that it was a privateer, belonging either to the French or to the English. But as we had nothing to do with the fons of violence on either fide, we gave ourselves little concern about the matter, and purfued our courfe before a brifk and favourable wind. In

th:

boured hard at their oars all night in order to overtake us, and fully expected a prize when they came with up us, murmured among themselves, and expreffed much diffatisfaction at the backwardnefs of the officers to feize us. It was faid, indeed, that the men were aristocrats; or, at least, totally ignorant of the nature of the caufe in which they were engaged; and the officers (who were of democratical principles) were forced to ufe much feverity to keep them in order. The boat was put off a fecond time, and took the captain, Mr. V, and another who fpoke French well. Upon their getting on board the privateer, the captain behaved much like a gentleman, and brought out a bottle of good wine; but informed them, at the fame time, that they were his prifoners They remonstrated; they had proved that they had nothing but wearing apparel, and the letters of mine, which Mr. V- fhewed (particularly one from our excellent friend to Mr. F of Boston) convinced him, that to make prifoners of us, would be to harrafs the friends of liberty. He therefore gave up the point, expreffing, at the fame time, a wish, that as they had been many days from port, we would accommodate them with any neceffaries which we could spare. cordingly the captain and our two fellowpaffengers returned, and the party from the privateer left us, after a ftay of four hours, with wishes of a good voyage, being fupplied by the fhip with coals, fpirits, poultry, and portable foup. The treaty of 1778, between the United States and France, requires, I find, that when France is at war with any power, the American fhips fhall receive a paffport from the government of the United States, certifying to whom the fhip and cargo belong, and who are the perfons on board. It is prudent, therefore, for any one who is going to take a voyage to America, to inform himself, whether the captain he goes with be furnished with fuch a certificate: and it is proper to have no goods on board but bare neceffaries, as it is property that affords the temptation to make prisoners of our perfons.

the evening, however, the breeze abated, and by 7 o'clock, on Sunday morning, when in latitude 49 deg. 53 min. longitude 9 deg. 38 min. fhe got up with us, and hoifting English colours faluted us with a gun. In obedience to the fignal, our fhip lay to, and hoifted the thirteen ftripes, the colours of the United States. A boat was immediately put out by the privateer, and very quickly conveyed to us, amidst the shouts of their companions, eight or ten men armed with cutlaffes and piftols. Our captain was immediately called upon to get out his own long boat, which he refufed to do; alleging that he could not do it with convenience, and that, as he belonged to a neutral port, they had no right to expect it. He was afked for his papers to prove that he was an American, and was defired to accompany fome of the party to the privateer. This he did, and whilst he was on board the fhip, the English flag was taken down, and that of the French Republic was hoifted in its place. The men, in the mean time, who remained on board with us, behaved with perfect decorum; and the officers apologized to us for the trouble and alarm they gave, faying, that what they did was not for the fake of plunder, but in conformity to the laws of war. We invited them into the cabin, placing wine and other refreshments before them, of which they partook very heartily. We informed them, that though we were born in England, we were now becoming citizens of America; that we were hearty well-wishers to the caufe of liberty in France. Upon their intimating doubts of the truth of this reprefentation, we appealed to our letters of introduction, which we were ready to fhew them. Whilft this was paffing, our captain returned, in no little agitation; faying, that the paffengers, being Englifhmen, would be taken prifoners to France. It was very fortunate, that four or five in our fhip could fpeak French very well, for thofe of the Frenchmen who could fpeak English spoke it but indifferently. We alleged, that we were not merchants, but mere paffengers who had no property on board which could be confidered as a lawful prize. Our trunks were therefore brought upon deck and examined; but as nothing except wearing apparel was found, they did not examine one half of them. Most of mine were in our room: but as my wife and children were in bed, they politely declined looking into my boxes. Indeed they behaved in fuch a manner, that he felt not the leaft alarm. The common men, however, who had laMONTHLY MAG. NO. LII.

A.c

On May the 22d, latitude 47 deg. 12 min. longitude 16 deg. 10 min. we defcried another fail, in which our fears afforded us the profpect of another priyateer, whilft our hopes whispered to us that it might be a fhip ready to convey to our friends in England the news of our fafety fo far. It proved, however, to be an American fhip from Philadelphia.

5 S

H. T.

To

To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine.

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SIR,

Na little advertisement prefixed to the Carlotta of Niccolo Amenta it is faid that three comedies by this author, and the Paftor Fido of Guarini, have been tranflated into English by " Dorothea Levermore." Perhaps fome of your correfpondents would favour me with an account of this tranflator, whofe name has never met my obfervation before.

In what language is it fuppofed that Wotton wrote his Tancredi? In the Hift. Mem. on Ital. Tragedy, p. 100, note (t), it is conjectured to have been written in Latin.

From what particular work did Decio draw the fubject of his Tragedy of Acripanda?

If an English verfion of the fixth novel of the third book of the Hecathommithi did not exist in the time of Shakespeare, whence did he draw the fubje&t of his Othello?

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YOUR numerous readers were, no

Y doubt, agreeably enterrained by the

Memoirs of Mr. C. B. Wadftrom, from the pen of Mifs WILLIAMS*: but I am under the painful neceffity of obferving, that the elegance of that performance tranfcends its accuracy, and lends charms to errors which may affect the interests of the living, without much adding to the merits of the dead. I fhall therefore proceed to rectify fome of thofe errors, with all the tenderness to Mr. Wadftrom's me. mory which I can reconcile with justice to others, and with all the deference which truth will allow me to pay to the talents and the fex of his biographer; on whole part, I dare fay, thofe errors were perfectly involuntary. I hope, however, the will not be offended if the contradiction, and, if poffible, the refutation, with which I am virtually threatened, should induce me to animadvert on her performance, in much plainer terms than I fhould otherwife have ufed.-By way of compenfation for unavoidable egotfm, I fall interjerfe fome fatis, which are perhaps not fo generally known as they deferve.

* See our Magazine for july laft.

I intend to confine my remarks chiefly to the following paffage:

"The opinions he (Mr. Wadftrom) delivered, refpecting the Abolition of the SlaveTrade, and the establishment of Philanthropic Colonies, gave rife to the foundation of Sierra Leone and Bulama; which may juftly

be confidered as monuments erected in favour of humanity and liberty, by generous and enlightened friends of mankind.-Wadftrom published, feven years fince, in London, an octavo volume containing much interesting and many important obfervations on colonizainformation refpecting his African expedition, tion. Buonaparte, when departing for Egypt, wished to obtain a copy of this work, and inquired of Waditrom where it could be purchafed. On account of the difficulty of communication between France and England, Wadftrom had of late been unable to fupply himfelf with any copies of this work, and had but one copy left in his poffeffion, which he immediately prefented to the General."

This short extract unfortunately contains feveral mistakes.

aft, The Colonies here mentioned did not owe their origin to the opinions of Mr. Wadftrom, but to thofe of the late Mr. Henry Smeathman, who refided in Africa four years*. In 1783 Mr. Smeathman propofed a fettlement in Africa, as M. Demanet, Mr. Poftlethwayte, and others, had done before him, without naming any particular spot. In 1786 he printed his Plan of a Settlement to be made near Sierra Leone", &c.t This' little piece attracted the notice of Granville Sharp, Eq. and by their exertions, in conjunction with "The Committee for

* Effay on Colonization, part ii. p. 4 and 207. Mr. Wadftrom was in Africa only a part of one year (about feven months, as he told me), and not two years, as Mifs Williams ftates. Id Introduction, page 2, and Part ii. p. 189.

+ Effay on Colonization, part ii. p. 197, 207. For a fpecimen of Mr. Smeathman's refearches in Africa, fee his Hiftory of thofe furprising infects the Termites, in the Philofophical Tranfactions for 1781. The public may fhortly expect an account of his life from the en of his excellent friend and mine, D. Drury, Efq. well known to the lovers of natural knowledge by his curious and valuable cabinet, as well as by his ingenious and elegant work intitled "Illuftrations of Natural Hiftory," in 3 vols. 4to. Mr., Drury) in an advanced age, ftill poffeffes his youthful ardour of refearch; but ill health, added to the difficulty of afcertaining, with precifion, fome of the occurrences of Mr. Smeathman's life, have prevented him from paying the early tribute he intended to the memory of his friend.

the

the Black Poor in London," in which the late excellent Jonas Hanway prefided, the first embarkation took place in December 1786: before Mr. Wadftrom fet out from Sweden on bis African expedition*. Ship. ping, provisions, arms, tools, &c. were generously furnished by the British Government; and Mr. Sharp provided the colonifts with many additional comforts at his own expencet, a finall part of the merit of a man, the labours of whofe life have been devoted to the caufe of the oppreffed Africans; and through whofe intrumentality, the Courts of Law, both in England and Scotland, many years ago, came to folemn decifions, importing, that the inftant a flave, of whatever colour, and whether baptized or not, fets his foot on Britifh ground, he becomes ipfo facto freet. Mifs Williams would have been correct, if she had stated that the Bulama undertaking may be faid to have taken its rife from that of Sierra Leone; and that, through the exertions and addrefs of Mr. Wadftrom, when he lived in Manchester, about 3000l. was fubfcribed towards the eftablishment of the former§.

While on this fubject, I cannot but obferve, that in fuch noble attempts, the barbarifm of Africa anticipated the boafted civility of Europe. For we find that, in 1726, Trudo Audati, King of Dahomy and Whidah, whofe atrocities the Slavemongers have, as ufual, taken care to magnify into pretexts for their odious traf fic, authorised one Lambe, a Guinea trader, to propofe to the British Government the establishment of a colony in his country. The propofition was actually made, with diplomatic formality and addrefs, to George II. and was referred by His Majefty to the Lords of Trade. But their Lord hips foon difcovered that the fincerity of Trudo was but ill reprefented by that of his envoy, who impudently at

* Eflay on Colonization, Introduction, p. 14 and Part ii. p. 220.

† Id. Part ii. p. 220.

tempted to practice on them, tricks fimilar to thofe which he had found to fucceed with the African Chiefs in bartering his adulterated brandy and other trash for human flesh and blood. The curious particulars are related by Smith and SnelBut to return, grave.

"So repugnant is Slavery to the British genus that when, about 250 years ago, a law was made in England condemning idle vagabonds to this condition, THE SPIRIT OF THE NATION could not bear it; and it was foon after repealed Elements of Moral Science, by the learned and benevolent, Dr. Beattie, vol. ii. p. 165. He here alludes to Att i. Edward VI. c. 3. anno 1547.-See Blackftone's Commentaries..

133.

Effay on Colonization, Part ii. p. 52,

2dly, Mifs Williams has been mifinformed refpecting the time when the Effay on Colonization was published; and this is the only performance Mr. Wadftrom was concerned in, which anfwers her defcription. The dates of its hiftory are thefe. It was begun on July 4, 1794. Notwithstanding what, I find, Mr. Wadftrom had intimated*, he had prepared no materials, nor fo much as laid a plan, for fuch a work; and he propofed to me nothing more than a few pages of letterprefs notes, to accompany and illuftrate a map, which he then called "A Colonial Map," and which is inferted in the work, under the lefs abfurd title of "A Nautical Map." On the 5th of November following, the 193 and 194 pages of the first part were committed to the prefst After

See Lord Muncaster's Sketches of the Hitory of the Slave-Trade.

In "Obfervations on the Slave-Trade," &c. p. 54.-A pamphlet which I have endeavoured to forget. The reason will prefently appear.

The 5th of November is a day much to be remembered by all ranks of men in these kingdoms. It is the anniverfary of two great national deliverances-namely, from the Gunpowder Plot, and from the domination of the Stuarts. The real compiler, therefore, diftinguished the word (day, p.194) with italicks; and he there contrafted the ab horrence of the Slave-Trade, expreffed by zabeth of England, with the encouragement Louis XI. of France, and the renowned Eliwhich that traffic received, and the participation of infamous gains which it promifed, to Charles II. and James II. But, in juftice to thofe infatuated princes, he would have added, had he then known or recollected the fact, that they fucceffively refufed the royal affent to an execrable Jamaica law, which impofed only a trifling fine and three months' imprisonment, for the wilful, wanton, and bloody-minded murder of a Slave!! (N. B. A fimilar ftatute difgraces the more humane and polished Colony of Barbadoes, at this hour). Does not this fact render it probable, that had the murderous nature of the SlaveTrade been as notorioufly known then, as it is now, thofe British Princes would not have gibbetted their names by publicly patronifing a traffic fo villainous and bloody in itself, and fo outrageoufly hoftile to Chriftianity and to the British, Conftitution? 6 6 a Conftitution," fays the great Blackstone, which abbors and all not endise the exiflence of Slavery 5 $4

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