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weight and number, as to calm and secure the rest of queen Elizabeth's time. Yet, before the end of her reign, began a new faction in the state to appear, and swell against the established government of the church, under pretence of a further reformation, after the examples of Geneva or Strasburgh, from whence the chief of this party, during the flight or banishment from the cruelties of queen Mary's reign, drew their protection and their opinions, in defiance of ecclesiastical powers and dignities, as well as several ceremonies, such as the surplice, the altar, and the cross, with others yet more indifferent.

This faction increased in number, and popular vogue or esteem, all the reign of king James; and seeming to look either dangerously or un kindly upon the crown, gave occasion to the court of endeavouring to introduce into the church and state some opinions the most contrary to those of the puritan or dissenting faction; as that of divine right, and thereby more arbitrary power in kings, and that of passive obedience in the subjects. These opinions or pretences divided the nation into parties, so equal in number or in strength, by the weight of the established government on the one hand, and the popular humour on the other, as produced those

long miseries, aud fatal revolutions of the crown and nation, between 1641 and 1660, when his majesty's happy restoration seemed to have given a final period to all new commotions or revolutions in this kingdom, and to all discontents that were considerable enough to raise or foment any new divisions. How they have been since revived, and so well improved, for what ends, and with what consequences upon the safety, honour, and power of this kingdom, let those answer either to God or man, who have been the authors or promoters of them. It is enough for me to have endeavoured the union of my country, whilst I continued in public employments, and to have left the busy scene in the fullest career of favour and of fortune, rather than have any part in the divisions or factions of our nation, when I saw them grow incurable. A true and honest physician is excused for leaving his patient when he finds the disease grown desperate, and can by his attendance expect only to receive his own fees, without any hopes or appearance of deserving them, or contributing further to his health or recovery.

A weak or unequal faction, in any state, may serve, perhaps, to enliven or animate the vigour of a government; but when it grows equal, or nearly proportioned in strength or number, and Q2

VOL. I.

irreconcilable by the animosity of the parties, it cannot end without some violent crisis, and convulsion of the state; and hardly without some new revolution; and, perhaps, final ruin of the government, in case a foreign invasion enters upon the breaches of civil distractions.

But such fatal effects of popular discontents, either past or to come, in this floating island, will be a worthy subject of some better history than has been yet written of England. I shall here only regret one unhappy effect of our discontents and divisions, that will ever attend them, even when they are not violent or dangerous enough to disturb our peace, which is, that they divert our greatest councils from falling upon the consultations and pursuits of several acts and institutions which seem to be the most useful and necessary for the common interest and public good of the kingdom, without regard to any partialities which busy the counsels as well as actions of all factious times.

Now there are several acts and institutions, which are at least grounded upon the true, general, and perpetual interest of the nation, without any regards of parties and factions, of the necessities of particular times or occasions of governAnd such constant interests of England there are, which last through all successions of

ment.

kings or revolutions of state. Of this kind, and the most general as well as most necessary, are the greatness of our naval forces, the balance of our neighbouring powers, and our own union by the extinction of factions among us. For our nation is too great, and too brave, to be ruined by any but itself; and if the number and weight of it roll one way upon the greatest changes that can happen, yet England will still be safe, which is the end of all public institutions, as it was of the Roman laws; Salus populi suprema lex esto; "Let the public safety be the supreme law." To this, all differing opinions, passions, and interests should strike sail, and, like proud swelling streams, though running different courses, should yet make haste into the sea of common safety, from whence their springs are said to be derived, and which would otherwise overflow and lay waste the countries where they pass. Without this pretence, at least, no faction would ever swell so high as to endanger a state; for all of them gain their power and number to their party, by pretending to be derived from regards of common safety, and of tending towards it in the surest and directest course.

The comparison between a state and a ship has been so illustrated by poets and orators, that it is hard to find any point wherein they differ,

and yet they seem to do it in this; In great storms, and rough seas, if all the men and lading roll to one side, the ship will be in danger of oversetting by their weight. On the contrary, in storms of state, if the body of the people, with the bulk of estates, roll one way, the nation will be safe. When a ship goes to sea, bound to a certain port, with a great cargo, and a numerous crew, who have a share in the lading as well as safety of the vessel; let the weather and the gale be never so fair, yet, if the crew apprehend they see a breach of waters, which they are sure must come from rocks or sands that will endanger the ship unless the pilot change his course; if on the other hand, the captain, the master, the pilot, with some other of the officers, tell them they are fools or ignorant, and not fit to advise; that there is no danger, and it belongs to themselves to steer what course they please, or judge to be safe, and that the business of the crew is only to obey; if, however, the crew persist in their apprehensions of the danger, and the officers of the ship in the pursuit of their course, till the seamen will neither stand to the tackle, hand sails, or suffer the pilot to steer as he pleases: what can become of this ship? Either the crew must be convinced by the captain and officers of their skill and care, and safety of

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