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ity, have so free intercourse with kindred natures-those hosts of celestial beings in that unseen world, which is itself in harmony with spiritual existence-as to become really acquainted with the modes of action and communication, the laws, the capacities, the habitudes of that mysterious energy, that vivifying influence, that divine effluence or creation which we term spirit? Alas! he can see now but a feeble glimmering of the light of that world, compared with its full effulgencethough even this faint gleam may be brightness indeed contrasted with the darkness of that dwelling which is no less the prison, than it is the abode of man. And the cause of his imperfect knowledge may be found in this very constitution of his nature- so that if there be things by him seen and known, it is because they are material and temporal: if there be things unseen and unknown, it is because they are spiritual and eternal.

gross, inert, and uncongenial material- | facts on which it rests, and nothing more just or obvious than the doctrinal and practical deductions drawn from these by the inspired writers. But while it thus adapts itself, as to those points which immediately concern salvation, to the humblest understanding, it transcends the powers of the highest human intellect in its ultimate tendencies and results. Thus the mountain which shelters indeed the lowly cottage at its foot, lifts itself aloft amidst the clouds of heaven until it becomes lost to view. Its general outline may be traced by the distant beholder; but when he approaches and attempts to ascend, he is confused by its magnitude; he endeavours often in vain to find his way amidst its deep recesses, or to expose to view the unknown depths in which its richest treasures are concealed. How often in unexplored realms of nature-how much oftener in religion, do men from confidence in themselves push their inquiries and researches too far, and become lost themselves, and fatal guides to others, in their eagerness to signalize themselves by new discoveries!

Is it not strange that man should be most dogmatic in regard to that of which he knows the least? Yet he is disposed for the most part to All sectarianism is dogmatism, treat in a magisterial and positive bigotry-religionism, the pride of manner the subject of his spiritual opinion, the insolence of self-esteem, relations-the deep things of religion, and stubbornness of ignorance. Think a science which, above all others, you such principles would look well ought to be approached and studied in those who profess to be engaged in with reverential humility. It is here a warfare against it? And yet, how in fact that we have more masters often are men insensibly influenced than disciples. But it is not so in by the same feelings which they reproother sciences. Even in those which bate in others! Forbearance, toleraare adapted for his perceptive powers, tion, humility, candor; firmness in and examined by the sure methods of truth, openness to conviction, and observation, experiment, and induc- freedom of opinion in things unknown, tion, the conclusions of the learner are should be the grand features of reforcautious, modest, and unassuming. mation from partyism, an evil which How much more so should they not owes its very life and being to a posibe in regard to things invisible, in-sitive and overbearing spirit. But tangible things that are higher than religious, is as great novelty in the the heavens! world, as is political freedom. The at

I would not, however, be under-tempt to organize a free religious comstood to intimate that religion is an uncertain or doubtful matter. Nothing can be more certain than the

munity, is as much an experiment, as the attempt to form a free political government, and it is exposed equally

to the the same vibrations and danger- | him"- -some "for fear of the Jews,"

ous extremes which arise equally in both cases from ignorance or ambition—from pride, selfishness, or passion.

and others because " they loved the praise of men more than the praise of God." There is abundant evidence to prove that multitudes believe the gospel without obeying it. This I might, if I had now space, present, though indeed the above scripture declaration and case in point are sufficient to prove the proposition. Your premises, then, here being incorrect, I conceive you have entirely failed to account for the difficulty which you have attempted to explain to wit, how it is that if faith depends wholly upon the word, but few of a large congregation, the major part of which profess to believe it, will obey it when it is fully presented to them?

should always accompany in order to conversion and salvation? Upon this I will offer you some thoughts when I can find a little leisure. Your's truly,

Men are not content to preach the gospel-to scatter abroad the good seed of the kingdom and leave the result to God, but must needs quarrel with each other about the manner in which the seed is made to grow! It would have been happy for the world if there had never been a single controversy upon "converting power;" and if all, believing as they do, that it is proper to proclaim the gospel to sinners, had co-operated thus in the accomplishment of the divine purposes, rather than wasted their time and energies in contending with each other. As well might the farmer For my part, I would maintain this have suspended or neglected the sow- position, that in no case is conversion ing of his fields, to occupy himself in effected by the word alone; or rather, vain contention with his neighbour I would enter upon this inquiry, is it about a theory of vegetation. not necessary that a power or inWhen, however, theories are in-fluence DISTINCT FROM the word, troduced and believed and acted upon -when they are made to govern and control all action, and to interfere with human happiness and the general diffusion of the gospel, it becomes a duty to expose them. But we should not attempt to introduce other theories in their place. If one have received a bullet in the flesh, it is necessary that the forceps should follow it to whatever depth it may have penetrated but the surgeon would but ill consult the welfare of his patient, if, after extracting it, he should leave the forceps in its stead. And now, as my sheet is almost full, permit me to say, my dear E. that while I approve of many things in your remarks to your friend R. there are some things which do not meet my approbation. It is not correct in my view, to say that all who do not obey the gospel, give thereby evidence that they do not believe it. In the course of our Saviour's ministry, many, we are told, "believed on him," but "would not acknowledge

L.

LETTERS FROM EUROPE.

NO. XXXII.

MY DEAR CLARINDA,-Not to hold you in suspense-if, indeed, it be to you a matter of suspense-I must distinctly state the capital error in the Magna Charta of Great Britain, so pregnant with evil to the government and nation. But you anticipate me, and point to that article which says, "The King of England joins to the dignity of Supreme Magistrate that of Head of the Church." This being constituted HEAD OF THE CHURCH, "gives him power to convoke national and provincial Synods, who, under his approbation, establish dogmas and discipline," and also authorizes him to appoint the chief

ecclesiastical dignitaries.

Thus the Church of England, now greater than
all the revenues of the Popedom of
Europe, (though these in some coun-
tries, as in Spain, are double the.
imposts and revenues of the political
government,) have become so onerous
and unendurable as to excite not only
hatred against the prelatic officials,
but also against the civil government
itself, that not merely tolerates it,
but solemnly and powerfully supports
and sanctions such enormities.
ecclesiastic revenue
Archbishops, and, till lately, of but
some four and twenty Bishops,
amounted to an annual tax on the
industry of the subjects of the crown
of more than eight millions sterling,

The

of some two

King or Queen Monarch of Great Britain is, in fact, made the visible and efficient Head of the Church of England, presumed to be the Church of Christ. He is, therefore, as much a spiritual as a civil Monarch. This assumption constitutes him a Protestant Pope-as true and real as he of Rome, though with a jurisdiction more limited in territory and in spiritual supervision. He does not, indeed, profess to be infallible; but only acts as though he were. He virtually enacts all the dogmas or doctrines, as well as discipline of the church, and creates its church dignitaries, and sometimes inflicts severe penalties on the refractory and dis-or forty millions of dollars per annum. obedient. He appoints officerscivil, military, and ecclesiastic-and is thus aggrandized with all the honors of a spiritual and political Prince-a greater than Melchizedec; for he was only King of Salem and Priest of the Most High God; but the Monarch of England is Prince of both Peace and War, and sacerdotal dignitaries. All this, too, he may constitutionally become at the age of eighteen years. This power is granted to him and is retained to him on the ground of his being Head of the State. So that the supremacy of the Church is contingent on the supremacy of the State, and held in virtue of it by constitutional authority. Henry VIII. rival of the Roman Pontiff, assumed this headship, and, despite of the increased light of Protestantism, it is yet retained as firmly as the crown in the person of the reigning Monarch.

I call it tax because it sequesters so much of the national wealth, and therefore throws upon the people burthens intolerably grievous. This both Christian and Infidel regard as a superlatively unrighteous burthen; because they receive for it no spiritual nor temporal equivalent. The sermons and services of these Prelates and their Clergy are commonly regarded as of no salutary advantage to soul, body, or estate. The Christian portion of the community prefer to select their own Pastors, and to minister to their wants; while a great majority of mere parishioners look upon the whole establishment as a solemn mockery of religion, or as a legalized system of robbery and oppression.

Now the tendency of things under such a system is to depreciate, to undermine, and ultimately to demolish not only the ecclesiastic This association of political and despotism itself, but that political ecclesiastical supremacy in the person despotism that supports it and incorof a Monarch, in virtue of fleshly porates it with itself. This, indeed, lineage, without regard to intellectual, all history attests. Hence the Hiermoral, and religious qualification, is archy and the present Monarchy are so far behind the progress of the age, regarded as inseparable by a large in the esteem of saint and sinner, portion of the people; and as soon that no one of much reflection can as they feel themselves possessed of think of its long continuance. Be-power, is by them doomed to one sides the enormous revenues of the common destruction.

What an insult to the Author and Founder of the Christian Institution!

But from the indications of past history, and from the usual course of things in human experience, the incongruity and glaring absurdity of It may, indeed, yet be a question making a youth of 18--a male or a undecided amongst the wise men, and female-head of the church and su- those better acquainted with the inpreme arbiter or dictator of scriptural ternal and suppressed spirit of the disdoctrine and Christian discipline, so sidents of all orders of the empire than as to make one opinion orthodox and I am, or could possibly be, whether another heterodox; and this institu- the growing disaffection to the English tion divine, and that human, accord- hierarchy by remonstrance through ing to his or her notions, or according the press and the liberties of public to the dictation of some interested discussion, be able to create and decounsellor or ecclesiastic, is so revolt-velope a public opinion so strong and ing to human prudence and discretion, that we cannot imagine how such institutions can be endured by any people any longer than they have not power to repudiate them. Indeed, these old relics of less enlightened and less favored ages, are, from present indications, annually becoming more and more obnoxious to the vengeance of oppressed millions, who are asserting, and will still more loudly assert, their own rights and the wrongs of the despotism that has impoverished and degraded them.

Queen Victoria, as a woman and a Queen, is as respectable and popular as any woman in her station could be. But as the head of the church, as creator of Bishops and Archbishops, and as supreme arbiter of Christian faith and Christian discipline, when dogmatically propounded, who could either respect or admire her? She has her Theatre, and is much better qualified to be head of that and of the pastimes of the nobility and gentry of the island, than to be head of Christ's church. The inconsistencies and contradictions in these assumptions becoming annually more and more apparent, are, indeed, most abhorrent to a Christian's conscience and moral feeling. The head of Christ's church the patron of the fashions and amusements of the world! First at the altar, the theatre, the toilet, and the court, and first in all the pomps and pageants of the age! What an inconsistency!

so efficient as to abolish it without violence and a bloody revolution. If I were to judge from two indications that seem to be manifest to all spectators and auditors of passing events, I should incline to the more acceptable opinion, that it can be effected by the triumph of reason and truth, without blood and carnage. These are the constant yielding, more or less, to popular opinion on the part of the government, and the consequent increasing boldness and courage of remonstrants and petitioners in urging their demands. The more the government yields, the more it has to yield; and the more the people gain, the more they are likely to demand. Add to this constantly growing tendency of things for almost half a century the recent revolutions and commotions of European governments, one might hope that possibly, for once in the annals of the world, a great nation might be wise to give up old encroachments and usurpations at war with the enlightened morality and policy of the age.

But yet the history of the past furnishes not much encouragement for such an honorable movement on the part of those in power. Men part with power as they part with life. Its charms, its magic potency, what heart of man can resist? History furnishes but a few, a very few, illustrious examples of this kind; and of these not a moiety are free from ambiguity and all suspicion.

But England is a nation sui generis, a nation of its own modelling. The freedom of Englishmen is but a shade behind our own in all that pertains to the tongue and the press. I heard but one political speech of one of the candidates of Yorkshire for a seat in Parliament. It was delivered in Huddersfield, and was as bold in its review of some critical portions of English history, and as strong against the aristocracy of the empire as any speech I have heard in America against any alledged encroachment upon the rights of the people.

In giving his views of the extent of that reform for which he would pledge himself to his constituents, if elected, he said, in sense and meaning "Gentlemen, I am willing to push the question of reform to the very centre of the aristocracy of this empire. I think the time is almost come when even the titles by which our nobles hold their rich baronies, or rather baronages, should be thoroughly canvassed. They have long since ceased to pay the consideration on which this kingdom was partitioned among them by the Norman Conqueror, William, as many of you know, and all may know, who will be at the pains to examine the subject. I say, William rewarded his particular friends, and distributed his realm amongst his nobles and distinguished chiefs on certain conditions. Amongst these the most essential are now and long have been unfulfilled. The Barons accepted the grants from the King on condition that they would, out of the tenantry of these estates, raise certain proportions of soldiers and be at all the expense of training, arming, clothing, and satisfying them for their services in fighting the King's battles, and in preserving the safety and integrity of his kingdom. Such was the King's liberality, preceded indeed by an unprecedented rapacity. Thus tyrannically were superseded the old and venerable Barons of England and most of their

prelates and dignified clergy, by a new race of Norman chiefs and Norman prelates, whose tenure was based upon the sword of William and their allegiance and support of his throne.* According to the records in Doomsday Book, during his reign he had the whole kingdom surveyed and distributed amongst his nobles.

"But only a few years passed away, and one or two short reigns, till these Barons had ingenuity to legislate themselves out of their obligations to pay the consideration on which their estates were conceded them; and to roll off themselves upon the nation at large the expense of all national wars. I think, then, gentlemen, the time is almost come when this matter should be examined, and that either the Barons should pay the expense of our wars, or give back their estates to the nation.'

Certainly this is bold enough for America, said I to myself; and if in an English assembly of enlightened subjects, and within hearing of some of these self-same Barons, these words of a candidate, who came within some twenty or thirty votes of being elected, could be heard with acclamation, amidst cries of Hear! Hear! this people cannot complain on the ground of a restrained liberty of speech.

Free discussion seems to me to be as much the order of the day in Britain as in the United States. Still there may be more constructive abuse of speech under that government than under this.

But the great question is, whether the hierarchy of England shall fall by the tongue or by the sword? Fall it

*The allusion here is to the fact that Wil

liam of Normandy, the conqueror of England in the latter half of the 11th century, after nobility and gentry of England because of their seizing the principal estates of the ancient insubordination to the King, gave or sold them out to his Norman Barons who had fought his battles, for small considerations in hand, under the condition of not only in person aiding the King, but also in raising and maintaining troops to fight the King's battles-which was, indeed, but to defend their titles to their own estates

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