ledged ability, and in exalted situations, it is not surprising that the nation should be torn in pieces by insane projects of innovation. In fact, if the prevailing errors in the democratical party are traced to their source, they will be found to originate chiefly in the prevalence of that very idea as to the intellectual powers of the lower orders, and the prodigious change which is to be wrought in them by the prevalence of general education. If it be once conceded, that all the labourers are capable, or can be rendered capable, of reading and comprehending Bacon, nothing can be more evident, than that it is not only perfectly safe, but absolutely necessary, to invest them with a full share of political powers. But if the reverse be proved to be the fact, equally by history and experience if the great mass of the lower orders are incapable, from their avocations, of enjoying the leisure requisite for serious study, and, from their habits, of comprehending or taking an interest in subjects of science-if knowledge is to them an acquaintance with the broad sheets" of error, not the narrow page of truth and salvation-if, while nature has been prodigal to all of passion, she has been sparing to most of intellect -if the only subject on which no pains have been taken by the liberal party to instruct the people, is the only one in which all mankind feel an interest, and the only book which they have taken no steps to disseminate, is that which alone contains what is really necessary for their temporal and eternal happiness then it follows, that a more fatal and perilous doctrine than this never was propagated, or one more calculated to dissolve society into anarchy, and render the very name of education odious in the world. It follows, that to intrust political power to such hands, is to commit the fabric of society to the elements of disorder to withdraw the people from useful industry, by precipitating them into hurtful ambition and to flatter their passions at the expense of their virtue and their happiness.

But this is not the only subject on which the erroneous opinions of the liberal party are such as to excite the astonishment of all the ra

tional and well-informed part of mankind. A celebrated leader of their school, in an evil hour, broached the incredible paradox, that the absence of her landed proprietors did no mischief to Ireland; and immediately a thousand Whig voices, in every part of the empire, re-echoed the astounding fallacy. The Whig papers incessantly urged the salutary effects which would result from lowering the duty on spirits, and in an evil hour, the Duke of Wellington yielded to their suggestions. Inopposition to the convincing proofs of the fatal consequences of this measure, which the increasing de-pravity, appalling vices, and savage cruelty of the lower orders, in every . part of the empire, afford; in oppo-. sition to the records of all criminal courts, which begin and end with spirits, they still maintain that that measure was beneficial. They stoutly argued for twenty years, in the face of the general prosperity of England, with Poor Laws, and the unequalled misery of Ireland, without them, that no legal provision should be made for the indigent; and now they have as rapidly changed their position, because their leader in political science has discovered his error. Their conduct reminds us of what is narrated in history of the conversion of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. "The Princess Edelgitha was converted to Christianity, and by her influence effected the conversion of her Lord, and all the people were baptized with him. Soon after, they relapsed into their errors, and all the nation immediately resumed the practices of idolatry."

In considering the causes, in a philosophical point of view, of this extraordinary infatuation on political subjects of the liberal party in this country, their long exclusion from office is probably the most prominent. Having been for more than half a century, with the short exception of Mr Fox's administration in 1783, and Lord Grey's in 1807, in the ranks of opposition, they have been hardened into a compact obdurate mass, who support each other with extraordinary tenacity, and, like the exiles from France, draw no light from the opinions of others, or passing events, "Ils n'ont rien ap

pris, ils n'ont rien oubliés," is equally true of the one and the other.

It is the nature of long exclusion from office, or misfortune of any sort, to make men adhere with invincible obstinacy to preconceived opinions, shut their eyes to the lessons of wisdom and experience, and derive no light from the course of passing events. It is the effect of the same causes to make them cling closely together; support each other in their follies, equally as their virtues, and adopt with blind idolatry whatever is put forth by the spiritual leaders of the party. On this principle, the impotence of persecution to extinguish religious heresy is founded; and hence it is that error is nowhere adhered to with such tenacity, as by those who have suffered in any degree for their opinions, and regard themselves as martyrs to the cause of truth. This principle is of universal application, and has been in operation from the beginning of the world; and it is in this reaction of thought against power, that the foundation is laid for the ultimate developement of truth, and the coercion of physical force by the sway of moral resolution.

But though such are the ultimate effects of this salutary principle in human affairs, its immediate consequences are often in the highest degree prejudicial, and productive of the most dreadful convulsions to society. The emigrant noblesse, by shutting their eyes to the lessons of experience and the course of events, imposed a government upon France which was unsuitable to the temper of the times, precipitated the reigning family from the throne, and produced the career of mob-government, popular sway, and universal suffering. The Whigs of England, equally blinded by their sectarian spirit and long exclusion from government, have introduced measures which promise to be hard ly less injurious in their consequences, and certainly are as much at variance with wisdom and experi

their talents and their virtues. But there is throughout them, generally, a deplorable want of originality of thought, and a most extraordinary principle of subordination to the doctrines of their leaders. When you are acquainted with one or two of the influential men of the party, you can predicate with perfect certainty their opinions on every subject of philosophy, history, politics, or taste None seem to think for themselves but a few leading characters; and whatever they say is immediately adopted with implicit obedience and reverential awe by all their inferiors. They have contrived to turn the current of human thought into confined and artificial channels. They take in nothing but Whig newspapers; read nothing but Whig reviews; study nothing but Whig publications; live with none but Whig society. There is to be found in them, generally, a most extraordinary uniformity and slavishness of opinion, accompanied by a degree of prejudice and tenacity to error, which would appear altogether incredible in men of such acquirements as many of them are, did we not know by experience, that it is the uniform attendant of opposition to power in all ages and parts of the world.

By constantly raising the war-cry of freedom, and adopting the doctrines which were agreeable to the humbler classes of the people, in whom their principal political support is to be found, this party have gradually acquired a very great influence over the middling and lower orders. During the war, from the excitation of national enthusiasm, and the influence of government in the disposal of its enormous expenditure, this influence was not sensibly perceived; but since the peace, it has been constantly and steadily on the increase, and has at length produced the social tempest by which we are now assailed. The conservative party were not aware of their danger reposing in fancied security on the laurels of Nelson and Wellington; strong in the consciousness of the real justice and wisdom of their principles; regarding with satisfaction the growing magnitude, increasing opulence, and augmenting splendour of the empire under their

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lenient and moderate sway-they did not perceive how extensively the delusion of error, the poison of infidelity, the seeds of anarchy, had spread among the people. They were not aware that a great part of the British youth, in all ranks, had adopted liberal principles; that the press, directing the fountains of human thought, had almost all espoused the liberal side; and that in the midst of the glories and splendour arising from the triumph of conser vative principles, the opposite party, just because these glories and that splendour had crowned the efforts of their opponents, had gradually disseminated the delusions which were calculated to overthrow them. By incessant exertions at public meetings, in periodical journals, newspapers, and political publications, by propagating the doctrines most agreeable to the immense class of readers whom general education was wakening into political activity, and by sedulously striving to instil their principles into the minds of youth, ever accessible to error when disguised under the splendid colouring of freedom and liberality, they have succeeded in poisoning the sources of knowledge, and producing a state of mind in the public which cannot, it is to be feared, be eradicated without an experience of the suffering which such errors are calculated to produce, and of which we are beginning to feel the com mencement. They have mingled not life, but death in the honied cup, and the nation is writhing under the poison which it has received.

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"Cosi al 'egro fanciul' porgiamo, aspersi, Di soavelicor gli orsi del vaso Succhi amari, ingannato intanto ei bene Et dal' inganno suo morte receve. It is from the same 'cause that the alarming fact is to be accounted for, that a large proportion of the middling orders of that important class, who, in 1793, were almost unanimous against the principles of revolution, are now become vehement supporters of the Reform Bill. The reason is, that, at the former period, they were not infected with the torrent of error, delusion, and sophistry,with which, for the forty succeeding years, the Whigs have incessantly filled the public mind. The plain good sense

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of Englishmen was not then undermined by the "fanaticism of French infidelity," as Carnot finely called it; nor was the firmness of English patriotism overborne by the extravagance of an ambitious Opposition. They had not then learned to veil irreligion under, the cloak of liberalitylicentiousness under that of libertyor paradox under that of philosophy. It is the incessant efforts of the Whig party, since they were excluded from office, to pervert the public mind, coupled, with the attractive garb of liberality and freedom which they wore, which has gone so far to shake the pillars of national security, and prepared the way for public convulsion, by the unhinging of private opinion. The Tories have much to answer for, in not having sooner made exertions to stem this devastating torrent; but the truth is, they were not aware of their danger, and reposed in fancied security on the edge of an abyss, which was silently preparing to engulf them. They did not recollect, that there is no barrier so great no power so overwhelming-that is not, in the end, overcome by the incessant application of an inconsiderable force that towers which withstood the shock of war, yield to the mouldering hand of vegetation and that mountain barriers, impassible to human strength, are worn through by the ceaseless flow of water.

We do not accuse the leaders of Whig thought of intentional error, or a wish to injure the cause of humanity. We are convinced they acted on principles the very reverse; and we have no doubt, as human nature is every where the same, that, in similar circumstances, we should be as much warped by error, and mystified by prejudice, as they have been. What we assert is, that circumstances have produced an utter perversion of mind, and blindness to truth, in almost the whole of their body: that, following the principle of opposition, even in speculative thought, they have studied, not with the design of discovering truth, but of discovering arguments against their opponents, and adopted error, not because it was supported by reason, or justified by experience, but because their antagonists had stumbled upon truth. This principle af