by Mr. Benjamin, in May, 1860, with his specious ability and pleasing eloquence. That gentleman, on that occasion, endeavored to show that Mr. Lincoln was more conservative and true to the South than Mr. Douglas.

Referring to the senatorial contest which they had recently had in Illinois, he said what I read to you: "In that contest the two candidates for the Senate of the United States in the State of Illinois, went before their people. They agreed to discuss the issues; they put questions to each other for answer; and I must say here, for I must be just to all, that I have been surprised in the examination that I made again, within the last few days, of this discussion between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas, to find that Mr. Lincoln is a far more conservative man, unless he has since changed his opinions, than I had supposed him to be."

The distinguished Senator evidently did not then think, he certainly did not even intimate, that the opinions of the President elect were so unconstitutional and violative of Southern rights as to justify revolution on the contingency of his elec tion. On the contrary, they were produced and relied upon to satisfy the South that he would be truer to her than Douglas. And yet, who supposes that if the latter had been the choice of the people, the present troubles could or would have been produced?

Nor, in truth, is there anything in his opinions so clearly wrong as to cause alarm. They are, in some particulars, in my judgment, unsound and mischievous, but not so mischievous as to warrant serious apprehension, or-before he is even permitted to explain his actual policy-to justify or excuse revolution-the destruction of the Government. Singular idea, that because possibly he may advise and be able to carry measures calculated to destroy it, that the safety and duty of the South warrant them in destroying it themselves, in advance. How men, loyal to the Union and anxious for its preservation, can so reason, is incomprehensible. There are, no doubt, in some States, enemies of the Government, life-long enemies, resolved at all hazards to effect its ruin, and who have been plotting it for years. But these are not to be found in Maryland. Here, thank God, such disloyalty never obtained even a foothold.-Hon. Reverdy Johnson, 1861.

THE PROSPECT OF ADJUSTMENT.

WE may differ now as to the exact course to be pursued, but we differ only as to the best means of accomplishing a common purpose-the Union's safety. In this particular I have differed, and still perhaps differ, with friends whose fealty to the Union is as strong and abiding as it can be in any American heart. Let us, therefore, casting aside all prior differences, mere party controversies, unite together as a band of brothers, and in good faith and with unflinching firmness, rally around our noble State; noble in her institutions; noble in her Revolutionary history; noble in the great fame of her illustrious dead; and resolve by all just and honorable means, by any fair and equitable adjustment of sectional controversies, to assist her in efforts to terminate the sad, the dreadful strife which now imperils all we hold dear. Finally, is all hope lost-all remedy gone? I think not.

Even Massachusetts, so much given of late to sentimental politics and mischievous philanthropy, will be glad to adjust on fair terms. Of this I feel satisfied. A reaction of opinion has evidently begun there. And who is not desirous to retain Massachusetts? Who can, without pain, meditate her possible loss to the Union? The first blood in our first mighty conflict was shed on her soil, and the first blow there struck for and in defense of the rights of all. In the Senate and in the field, throughout that great period, her sons were among the foremost in stirring eloquence, cheerful sacrifices and matchless daring. Their bones almost literally whitened the soil of every State, and the Stripes and Stars, when in their hands, were ever the certain pledge of victory or death. Who would surrender Concord, Lexington, Bunker Hill?

South Carolina, too. Who is willing to part with her? Her great names, during the same classic period, won for her and for all an undying fame. Her Moultries, Pinckneys, Rutledges, Haynes, Marions, Lawrences, do not belong to her alone-they are as much ours as hers; as the fame of Washington is as much the property and pride of the world as of Virginia. She, too, is astray now, as she was once before. She now thinks herself out of the Union. But there is a common tie, however, for a moment imperceptible and inoperative, that still makes us hers and hers ours. The tie of blood, of language, of religion, of love, of constitutional freedom, of a common ancestry, who in battle and in council were ever a band of brothers-deliberating, fighting, dying, for our joint liberty and happiness.

Time, time, therefore, that great pacificator, can only be necessary to arouse all to duty-to unite us all-to bring us back to each other "to renewed embraces and increased affection."

I believe, yes, as firmly as I credit my own existence, that such a recommendation as would be made by either of the patriotic committees of Congress who are now laboring to restore peace, or by the border States in council, would be hailed everywhere with approval. That done, the danger is over-peace restored-the Union, the glorious Union preserved, and all its countless blessings secured forever.

Hon. Reverdy Johnson, 1861.

PERPETUITY OF THE UNION.

Ir cannot be that such a Union as this should be destroyed. It cannot be that it is not beyond the reach of folly or of crime.

If asked when I should be for a dissolution of the Union? I answer as the patriotic Clay once answered, and as I know you will answer, "Never, never, never."

Asked, "when I'd rend the scroll

Our fathers' names are written o'er,
When I would see our flag unroll
Its mingled stars and stripes no more;
When, with worse than felon hand
Or felon counsels, I would sever
The Union of this glorious land ?"
I answer-never, never! never!!

Think ye that I could brook to see
The banner I have loved so long
Borne piecemeal o'er the distant sea;
Torn, trampled by a frenzied throng;
Tamely surrendered up forever,
To gratify a soulless rout

Of traitors? Never, never! never!!"

But whilst these efforts are being made to preserve it, and citizens on all sides are being brought to a sense of reason and duty, what is to be done? Is civil war to commence? Certainly not, unless it be brought on by further outrages on the clearest constitutional rights. South Carolina has violently and most illegally, and as loyalty says, traitorously, seized upon fortresses, the admitted property of the United States, bought and constructed with their money, and for their pro

328043

tection, and with her consent, and now threatens to seize the rest. But one other, Fort Sumter is left. It stands protected by the national flag, and its defence, and the honor of the nation, are, thank God, in the keeping of a faithful and gallant soldier.

The name of ANDERSON already enjoys an anticipated immortality. Is that fortress to be surrendered? Is he to be abandoned? Forbid it, patriotism! Is that flag that now floats so proudly over him and his command-the pledge of his country's confidence, support, and power, to succumb to the demands of an ungrateful, revolting State, or to be conquered by its superior accidental power? I say, no, no—a thousand times no. The fortress must at all hazards be defended-the power of the national standard preserved, and the national fame maintained. This has been already sadly neglected, no doubt with good motives, but from misplaced confidence. It recently covered other spots that know it not now. Its place is supplied by one never known to the world, and never to be known:

The Stripes and the Stars have long achieved a glorious name. They have been significant of power wherever they have waved, and commanded the respect and wonder of the world. And yet, in a State that owes so much to that flagwhose sons have so nobly and so often fought under it—it has been torn down, and vainly sought to be disgraced and conquered. Vain thought! Hear how a native poet speaks of it:

"Dread of the proud and beacon to the free,
A hope for other lands-+shield of our own,
What hand profane has madly dared advance,
To your once sacred place, a banner strange,
Unknown at Bunker, Monmouth, Cowpens, York,
That Moultrie never reared, or Marion saw ?"

If the cannon maintains the honor of our standard, and blood is shed in its defence, it will be because the United States cannot permit its surrender without indelible disgrace and foul abandonment of duty. I have now done, and in conclusion I ask you to do what I am sure you will cheerfully and devoutly do-fervently unite with me in invoking Heaven, in its mercy to us and our race, to interpose and keep us one people under the glorious Union our fathers gave us till time shall be no more.-Hon. Reverdy Johnson, 1861.

THE ALARUM.

THE last few weeks, Mr. Chairman, have been pregnant with events, and will furnish a mortifying chapter in our history. Eight Senators, and numerous Representatives, have left their seats, and bid farewell to the Union. Our national flag has been insulted upon our own soil; our vessels fired on and driven from the harbor of Charleston; our forts have been forcibly seized, and our public officers arrested in South Carolina, imprisoned and threatened with death on a charge of treason against the State, for no other offence than discharging their duties under the Government; and yet we stand here debating what shall be done. Done! Go and roll up your banner, as you seem indifferent to its defence and honor, and lay it away as a memorial of your former greatness. Go cable your ship in the port of New York, and there let her rot. Go tell your brethren lying in dungeons that a Roman only had to claim to be a citizen of the imperial city to be protected, and that it was once so with Americans; that they only had to name their country to be guaranteed security; but alas, how changed and fallen is it now!

It is time, sir, that we should arouse. Men of America, why stand ye still? Arouse! Shake off your lethargy! All considerations of party should be lost with us, when our country is in danger. I am with every man who is for the Union, and against every man who is against it; and I am ready now to march up to our national altar, and swear, "The Union, by the Eternal, it must and shall be preserved !" If its enemies bring war out of it, it must be so, though none would regret it more than myself. Our national property, our citizens, public officers, and rights, must be protected in all the States, and our men-of-war must be stationed off of southern ports to collect the revenue; and, if necessary, blockade them. This may, and I think would, aided by time and necessity, accomplish all; but, unless we mean to give up our Government, and feed it as carrion to the vultures, we ought not to be standing all the day idle. The enemy is battering at the very doors of the Capitol, and meditate a seizure of our national records, and the appropriation of the army and navy. Shall we wait until our flag is no longer respected, or shall we strike for the Constitution and the Union now? I have but little respect for that patriotism that goes moping about the streets, wringing its hands, and asking, "What is to be done?" It was just that kind of patriotism that Patrick Henry rebuked in the days of the