unbraces the fetters which man would rivet upon his fellowman. It was at the handles of the plow and amid the breathing odors of its newly-opened furrows that the character of Cincinnatus was formed, expanded and matured. It was not in the city, but in the deep gorges and upon the snow-clad summits of the Alps, amid the eagles and the thunders, that William Tell laid the foundations of those altars to human liberty, against which the surging tides of European despotism have beaten for centuries, but thank God, have beaten in vain. It was amid the primeval forests and mountains, the lakes and leaping streams of our own land; amid fields of waving grain; amid the songs of the reaper and the tinkling of the shepherd's bell that were nurtured those rare virtues which clustered star-like in the character of Washington, and lifted him in moral stature a head and shoulders above even the demi-gods of ancient story. Hon. Joseph Holt, 1861.

DUTY OF THE INVADING ARMY.

THERE is one most striking and distinctive feature of your mission that should never be lost sight of. You are not about to invade the territory of a foreign enemy, nor is your purpose that of conquest and spoliation. Should you occupy the South, you will do so as friends and protectors, and your aim will be not to subjugate that betrayed and distracted country, but to deliver it from the remorseless military despotism by which it is trodden down. Union men, who are your brethren, throng in those States, and will listen for the coming footsteps of your army as the Scottish maiden of Lucknow listened for the airs of her native land. It is true that amid the terrors and darkness which prevail there, they are silenced and are now unseen, but be assured that by the light of the stars you carry upon your banner you will find them all. It has been constantly asserted by the conspirators throughout the South that this is a war of subjugation on the part of the Government of the United States, waged for the extermination of Southern institutions, and by Vandals and miscreants, who, in the fury of their passions, spare neither age nor sex nor property. It will be the first and the highest duty of the American army, as it advances South, by its moderation and humanity, by its exemption from every excess and irregularity, and by its scrupulous observance of the rights of all, to show how foully both it and the Govern

ment it represents have been traduced. When, therefore, you enter the South, press lightly upon her gardens and fields; guard sacredly her homes; protect, if need be, at the point of your bayonets her constitutional rights, for you will thereby not only respond fully to the spirit and objects of this war, but you will exert over alike the oppressed and the infatuated portion of her people a power to which the most brilliant of your military successes might not attain. But when you meet in battle array those atrocious conspirators who, at the head of armies and through woes unutterable, are seeking the ruin of our common country, remember that since the sword flamed over the portals of Paradise until now, it has been drawn in no holier cause than that in which you are engaged. Remember, too, the millions whose hearts are breaking under the anguish of this terrible crime, and then strike boldly, strike in the power of truth and duty, strike with a bound and a shout, well assured that your blows will fall upon ingrates and traitors and parricides, whose lust for power would make of this bright land one vast Golgotha, rather than be baulked of their guilty aimsand may the God of your fathers give you the victory! Hon. Joseph Holt, 1861.

THE BENEFIT OF REVERSES.

SOLDIERS: When Napoleon was about to spur on his legions to combat on the sands of an African desert, pointing them to the Egyptian pyramids that loomed up against the far-off horizon, he exclaimed, "From yonder summits forty centuries look down upon you." The thought was sublime and electric; but you have even more than this. When you shall confront those infuriated hosts, whose battle-cry is, "Down with the Government of the United States," let your answering shout be, "The Government as our fathers made it;" and when you strike, remember that not only do the good and the great of the past look down upon you from heights infinitely above those of Egyptian pyramids, but that uncounted generations yet to come are looking up to you, and claiming at your hands the unimpaired transmission to them of that priceless heritage which has been committed to our keeping. I say its unimpaired transmission-in all the amplitude of its outlines, in all the symmetry of its matchless proportions, in all the palpitating fulness of its blessings; not a miserably shrivelled and shattered thing, charred

by the fires and torn by the tempests of revolution, and all over polluted and scarred by the bloody poniards of traitors.

Soldiers: you have come up to your present exalted position over many obstacles and through many chilling discour agements. One of those chances to which the fortunes of war are ever subject, and against which the most consummate generalship cannot at all times provide, has given a momentary advantage to the forces of the rebellion. Grouchy did not pursue the column of Bulow, and thus Waterloo was won for Wellington at the very moment that victory, with her laurelled wreath, seemed stooping over the head of Napoleon. So Patterson did not pursue Johnston, and the overwhelming concentration of rebel troops that in consequence ensued was probably the true cause why the army of the United States was driven back, excellent as was its discipline, and self-sacrificing as had been its feats of valor. Panics, from slight and seemingly insignificant causes, have occurred in the best drilled and bravest of armies, and they prove neither the want of discipline nor of courage on the part of the soldiers. This check has taught us invaluable lessons, which we could not have learned from victory, while the dauntless daring displayed by our volunteers is full of promise for the future. We shall rapidly recover from this discomfiture, which, after all, will serve only to nerve to yet more extraordinary exertions the nineteen millions of people who have sworn that this Republic shall not perish; and perish it will not, perish it cannot, while this oath remains. When we look away to that scene of carnage, all strewed with the bodies of patriotic men who courted death for themselves that their country might live, and then look upon the homes which their fall has rendered desolate forever, we realize what I think the popular heart in its forbearance has never completely comprehended-the unspeakable and hellish atrocity of this rebellion. It is a perfect saturnalia of demoniac passion. From the reddened waters of Bull Run, and from the gory field of Manassas, there is now going up an appeal to Go and to millions of exasperated men against those fiends in human shape, who, drunken with the orgies of an infernal ambition, are filling to its brim the cup of a nation's sorrows. Woe, woe, I say, to these traitors, when this appeal shall be answered!-Hon. Joseph Holt, 1861.

THE PROBLEM FOR THE UNITED STATES.

THE Union cannot expire as the snow melts from the rock, or a star disappears from the firmament. When it falls, the crash will be heard in all lands. Wherever the winds of heaven go, that will go, bearing sorrow and dismay to millions of stricken hearts; for the subversion of this Government will render the cause of constitutional liberty hopeless throughout the world. What nation can govern itself, if this nation cannot? What encouragement will any people have to establish liberal institutions for themselves, if ours fail? Providence has laid upon us the responsibility and the honor of solving that problem in which all coming generations of men have a profound interest-whether the true ends of government can be secured by a popular representative system. In the munificence of His goodness, He put us in possession of our heritage, by a series of interpositions scarcely less signal than those which conducted the Hebrews to Canaan; and He has, up to this period, withheld from us no immunities or resources which might facilitate an auspicious result. Never before was a people so advantageously situated for working out this great problem in favor of human liberty; and it is important for us to understand that the world so regards it.

If, in the frenzy of our base sectional jealousies, we dig the grave of the Union, and thus decide this question in the negative, no tongue may attempt to depict the disappointment and despair which will go along with the announcement as it spreads through distant lands. It will be America, after fifty years' experience, giving in her adhesion to the doctrine that man was not made for self-government. It will be freedom herself proclaiming that freedom is a chimera; Liberty ringing her own knell, all over the globe. And, when the citizens or subjects of the governments which are to succeed this Union shall visit Europe, and see, in some land now struggling to cast off its fetters, the lacerated and lifeless form of Liberty laid prostrate under the iron heel of Despotism, let them remember that the blow which destroyed her was inflicted by their own country.

"So the struck eagle, stretched upon the plain,
No more through rolling clouds to soar again,
Viewed his own feather on the fatal dart,
And winged the shaft that quivered in his heart.
Keen were his pangs, but keener far to feel
He nursed the pinion which impelled the steel;
While the same plumage that had warmed his nest
Drank the last life-drop of his bleeding breast."

Rev. Henry A. Boardman, 1861.

THE CONSTITUTION EQUAL TO THE CRISIS.

I Do not know any one who is more interested-1 -no one here, certainly, is so much interested-in the suppression of the rebellion, as I am personally. You see the conflagration from the distance; it blisters me at my side. You can survive the integrity of the nation; we, in Maryland, would live on the side of a gulf, perpetually tending to plunge into its depths. It is for us life and liberty; it is for you greatness, strength and prosperity.

If you are interested, still more am I; if illegal measures are necessary for salvation, I am more tempted than you to resort to them; and yet I desire to say that there is no circumstance connected with all the difficulties we are called upon to deal with,-nothing, in my sight, so threatening in the future, nothing which I find myself so unable to contemplate with satisfaction, as the temper of the public mind in dealing with this great rebellion. Not that I have any tenderness for the parricidal hands that have lifted weapons against the heart of the nation;-let them perish! but in their grave I do not wish to see American liberty buried. The energy of the nation having now been aroused, her embattled hosts lining the whole border, flaming with the conflict by whose light we read that the nation will not die a dog's death, and will not perish of rottenness off the face of the earth,-it becomes us now to turn our eyes to the prin ciples upon which the contest is to be waged, to hold those in authority responsible, not merely for energy, but for legality and constitutionality,-to silence the sneer with which men are met when they recall their rulers to the limits of law and the Constitution. Let them understand that the American Government will not be so degraded in the eyes of history as to be driven to the necessity of inaugurating revolution for the purpose of suppressing insurrection.

They who speak about extraordinary methods-of the necessity of usurpation, of the necessity of neglecting the "technicalities of law," as they politely term them-the necessity of departing from all "red-tapeism," which is the ordinary phrase to describe now the regular operations of the Government, conducted by wise men-these men must be taught, (and it is for you to teach them,) that it does not prove a man is disloyal because he thinks the Constitution better than they do, because he believes it not only powerful in peace, but powerful in war; that its ægis is not only so