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M'enfeignait à vous perdre et dirigeait mes coups.
Il n'eft pas d'amitiés entre les parricides.

*

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Citoyens révoltés, prétendus fouverains,

Qui vous faites un jeu du malheur des humains,
Qui paffant du carnage aux bras de la moleffe;
Du meurtre et du plaifir goûtez en vain l'Ivreffe,
Mon nom' deviendra cher aux fiécles à venir,
Pour avoir feulement tenté de vous punir.

As this publication has not been tranflated into English, and as it contains a great variety of important matter, we have entered more at large into it than we otherwife fhould have done. It now only remains for us to notice the ftate of the finances at the acceffion of Bonaparte to the confular throne, and the means which he has taken with a view to remedy the irremediable disorder which prevailed in them.

(To be concluded in our next.)

A Letter from Alexander Hamilton, concerning the public Conduct and Character of John Adams, Efq. Prefident of the United States. Svo. PP. 54. Lang. New York.

MOST

OST of our readers are well acquainted with the character of Mr. HAMILTON: to fuch as are not, it may be proper for us to ftate fome circumstances respecting a person, who has rendered himself famous in the American annals, who long has been, and who yet is, a leading man in the United States.

This gentleman, who is a native of the Weft Indies, having been, early in life, connected with a mercantile house at New York, went to take up his refidence in that city, not many years before the breaking out of that revolt, which, by the humane inftrumentality of a Howe and a Shelburne, terminated in the total feparation of the colonies from the mother country. Mr. Hamilton entered into the American army at a very early ftage of the conteft, and was foon diftinguifhed for his difcretion and his valour. His high reputation for both procured him the post of Aid-de-Camp to General Washington, whofe fame is, perhaps, more indebted to Mr. Hamilton than to any intrinfic merit of his own.

In the hiftory of the war, we find Mr. Hamilton rifing from rank to rank, 'till, at the fiege of York town, we fee him a Colonel, commanding the attack on one of the redoubts, the capture of which decided the fate of Lord Cornwallis and his army. Mr. Hamilton's conduct on this occafion was fuch as mark the true hero. Previ oufly to the affault, La Fayette, who was high in command in the American army, propofed to Washington to put to death all the British officers and foldiers that fhould be taken in the redoubts. Washington, who, as Dr. Smyth truly obferves, "never did one generous action in his life," replied, that, as the Marquis had the

chief command of the affault," he might do as he pleafed." This anfwer, which was very much like that of Pontius Pilate to the Jews, encouraged the bafe and vindictive Frenchman to give a positive order to Colonel Hamilton to execute his bloody intention. After the redoubts were fubdued, La Fayette afked why his order had not been obeyed, to which the gallant and humane Hamilton replied, that the Americans knew how to fight, but not to murder, in which fentiment he was joined by the American foldiers, who heard the remonftrance of La Fayette with indignation and abhorrence*.

The war being at an end. the army difbanded, and no provifion made for either foldiers or officers, Mr. Hamilton was led to the profeflion of the law. He retired to Abany, where he fecluded himself from the world for fome inonths, at the end of which he was admitted to the bar, and, to the utter aftonifhment of every one, was, in a very little time, regarded as the most eminent advocate at a bar, which is far from being deftitute either of legal knowledge or rhetorical talents. In this fituation he acquired ftill greater honour by his courageous refiftance of thofe violent and unjuft meafures which were propofed, and in fome cafes, carried into execution, against the property and the perfons of the loyalifts, who remained in the State after the evacuation of the city of New York. He had fought bravely against them, and he now, as bravely, defended them against the perfecution of those selfish and malignant cowards, who had never dared to face them in the field: and, it may be fafely afferted, that the state of New York, owed the reftoration of its tranquillity and credit to his exertions more than to any other caufe whatever,

When the federal government was eftablifhed, in the year 1788, Mr. Hamilton was appointed Secretary of the Treasury, an office, in America, fimilar to thofe of our Lord Treasurer and Chancellor of the Exchequer joined in one. This fituation, confidering the ftate of the American finances, and the total want of public credit that prevailed, was a moft arduous one; but Mr Hamilton's genius, his inflexible integrity, and his indefatigable induftry, furmounted all obftacles. In a very fhort fpace, the American government regained the loft confidence of both natives and foreigners; the payment of the public debts were provided for, trade and commerce revived, and the nation rose to that importance, to which, without Mr. Hamilton's measures, it never would have attained.

Having thus grafted the foldier upon the merchant and the ftatefman upon the lawyer; having excelled his contemporaries in all these widely various profeffions, he was juftly regarded as a man, to whom the nation might look with confidence in any future crifis of its affairs. The weight, which his advice always had with General Wafhington was well known; his ambition was gratified, as far as

*For a detail of thefe facts the reader is referred to the American account of the revolutionary war, publifhed by DOBSON of Philadelphia, and inferted in the American edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica.

it could be, under a government like that of America; but, ambition cannot fupply the place of the means of existence, and Mr. Hamilton, after having, for eight years, helped out his falary by the fmall fortune he had acquired at the bar, was abfolutely compelled, by the foolith parfimony of the government, to return to that bar, in order to retrieve the loffes which he had fuftained, and to pay the debts which he had contracted, in the fervice of his country!

At the approach of the expected war with France, in 1798, he was appointed Major-General and Infpector-General of the army of the United States, which nominally placed him next in command to General Washington, and, in reality, made him firft in command, because it was ftipulated, that General Washington fhould not act, unless the army was called into the field.

Such is the author of the work which we are about to examine, and which we confider as of very great importance, as it fixes the character, and prefents an authentic account of the conduct, of one of those men, who have been chosen to preside over the affairs of the American Republic.

At the approach of the last election for Prefident, it appears, that the party, called Federalifts, from their avowed attachment to the federal or general government, were fomewhat divided in their opinions refpecting the merits of Mr. PINCKNEY and Mr. ADAMS. Adams's partizans wifhed to prevent Pinckney from having an equal number of votes with the man of their particular choice, and, by this means, to exclude him from all chance of the Prefidency. Others thought that Pinckney was entitled to, at least, equal support with Adams. Amongst thefe was Mr. Hamilton, who warmly espoused the cause of Mr. Pinckney, and who, having been bafely flandered, on that account, by Adams and his party, but more particularly by Adams himfelf, publifhed the letter before us, as a juftification of his own conduct, and as a means of inducing his fellow citizens to believe, that Adams was by no means fuperior to Pinckney. The object of the publication is thus ftated by the

writer.

"Some of the warm perfonal friends of Mr. Adams are taking unwearied pains to difparage the motives of thofe Federalifts who advocate the equal fupport of General Pinckney at the approaching election of Prefident and Vice-Prefident. They are exhibited under a variety of afpects equally derogatory. Sometimes they are verlatile, factious fpirits, who cannot be long fatisfied with any chief, however meritorious:-Sometimes they are ambitious fpirits, who can be contented with no man that will not submit. to be governed by them :-Sometimes they are intriguing partifans of Great Britain, who, devoted, to the advancement of her views, are incenfed against Mr. Adams for the independent impartiality of his conduct. "In addition to a full fhare of the obloquy vented against this defcription of perfons collectively, peculiar accufations have been devised to swell the catalogue of my demerits. Among thefe, the refentment of difappointed ambition forms a prominent feature. It is pretended, that had the Prefident, upon the demife of General Washington, appointed me com

mander

mander in chief, he would have been, in my eftimation, all that is wife, and good, and great.

"It is necellary, for the public caufe, to repel these flanders; by ftating the real views of the perfons who are calumniated, and the reasons of their conduct.

In executing this tafk, with particular reference to myfelf, I ought to premife, that the ground upon which I ftand is different from that of most of those who are confounded with me as in purfuit of the fame plan. While our object is common, our motives are variously diffimilar. A part, well affected to Mr. Adams, have no other wifh than to take a double chance against Mr. Jefferion. Another part, feeling a diminution of confidence in him, ftill hope that the general tenor of his conduct will be effentially right. Few go as far in their objections as I do. Not denying to Mr. Adams patriotifm and integrity, and even talents of a certain kind, I fhould be deficient in candour, were I to conceal the conviction, that he does not poffefs the talents adopted to the adminiftration of government, and that there are great and intrinfic defects in his character, which unfit him for the office of Chief Magiftrate."

The author proceeds to ftate feveral facts to prove the weakness, vanity, jealoufy, and enviousness, of Adams, from which we select the following:

"Strong evidence of fome traits of this character is to be found in a journal of Mr. Adams, which was fent by the then Secretary of Foreign Affairs to Congrefs. The reading of this journal extremely embarraffed his friends, especially the delegates of Maffachusetts, who, more than once, interrupted it, and, at laft, fucceeding in putting a stop to it, on the fuggeftion that it bore the marks of a private and confidential paper, which, by fome mistake, had gotten into its prefent fituation, and never could have been defigned as a public document for the infpection of Congrefs. The good humour of that body yielded to the fuggeftion.

"The particulars of this journal cannot be expected to have remained in my memory-but I recollect one which may ferve as a fample. Being among the guests invited to dine with the Count de Vergennes, Minifter for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Adams thought fit to give a fpecimen of American politenefs, by conducting Madame de Vergennes to dinner: in the way, he was pleafed to make retribution in the current coin of French politenefs-by faying to him, "Monfieur Adams, vous etes le Washington de negociation." Stating the incident, he makes this comment upon it: "Thele people have a very pretty knack of paying compliments." He might have added, they have also a very dextrous knack of disguising

a farcalı.

"The opinion, however, which I have avowed, did not prevent my entering cordially into the plan of fupporting Mr. Adams for the office of Vice-Prefident, under the new conftitution. I ftill thought that he had high claims upon the public gratitude, and poffeffed a fubftantial worth of character, which might atone for fome great defects. In addition to this, it was well known, that he was a favourite of New-England, and it was obvious that his union with General Washington would tend to give the government in its outfet, all the ftrength which it could derive from the character of the two principal magiftrates. But it was deemed an effen, tial point of caution to take care, that accident, or an intrigue of the op

polers

pofers of the government, should not raife Mr. Adams, inftead of General Washington, to the first place. This, every friend of the Government would have confidered as a difaftrous event; as well because it would have difplayed a capricious operation of the fyftem in elevating to the first station, a man intended for the fecond; as because it was conceived that the incomparable fuperior weight and tranfcendant popularity of General Washington, rendered his prefence at the head of the government, in its first organization, a matter of primary and indifpenfable importance. It was therefore agreed that a few votes fhould be diverted from Mr. Adams to other perfons, fo as to infure to General Washington a plurality.

"Great was my aftonishment, and equally great my regret, when, af terwards, I learned from perfons of unquestionable veracity, that Mr. Adams had complained of unfair treatment, in not having been permitted to take an equal chance with General Washington, by leaving the votes to an uninfluenced current.

"The extreme egotifm of the temper, which could blind a man to confiderations fo obvious as those that had recommended the course pursued, cannot be enforced by my comment. It exceeded all that I had imagined, and fhewed, in too ftrong a light, that the vanity which I have afcribed to him, existed to a degree that rendered it more than a harmless foible."

When the General Washington declared his intention of retiring from the Prefidency, Meffrs. Adams and Thomas Pinckney were propofed, by the fedral party, as the candidates at the enfuing election. Mr. Hamilton's account of the plans of party, and of the conduct of Adams, on that occafion, gives us a tolerable correct idea of the real weight which the voice of the people has in republican elections, and also of the patriotism of a republican Chief Magistrate.

"The epoch at length arrived, when the retreat of General Washington made it neceffary to fix upon a fucceffor. By this time, men of principal influence in the fedral party, whofe fituation had led them to an intimate acquaintance with Mr. Adams's character, began to entertain serious doubts about his fitnefs for the ftation; yet, his pretenfions, in feveral refpects, were fo ftrong, that after mature reflection, they thought it better to indulge their hopes than to liften to their fears. To this conclufion, the defire of preferving harmony in the fedral party, was a weighty inducement. Accordingly it was determined to fupport Mr. Adams for the chief magiftracy.

It was evidently of much confequence to endeavour to have an eminent federalift Vice-Prefident. Mr. Thomas Pinckney, of South Carolina, was felected for this purpose. This gentleman, too little known in the north, had been all his life time diftinguished in the fouth, for the mildness and amiableness of his manners, the rectitude and purity of his morals, and the foundnefs and correctness of his understanding, accompanied by an habitual discretion and self-command, which has often occafioned a parallel to be drawn between him and the venerated Washington. In addition to thefe recommendations, he had been, during a critical period, our Minifter at the Court of London, and recently Envoy extraordinary to the Court of Spain; and in both thefe trufts, he had acquitted himself to the Latisfaction of all parties. With the Court of Spain he had effected a treaty, which removed all the thorny subjects of contention, that had fo long threatened the peace of the two countries, and ftipulated for the

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