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for peace, and only wanting the presence of their lawful prince to give a sanction to the treaty. Cæsar, though sensible of their perfidy, gave them their king, as he was under no apprehension from a boy. Ptolemy, however, instead of promoting peace, made every effort to prolong hostilities. In this manner Cæsar was hemmed in for some time; and was only, at last relieved from this mortifying situation by Mithridates Pergamenus, one of his faithful partisans; who, collecting a numerous army in Syria, marched into Egypt, and, joining with Cæsar, attacked the camp, and made a great slaughter of the Egyptians. Ptolemy himself, attempting to escape on board a vessel that was sailing down the river, was drowned by the ship's sinking; and Cæsar thus became sole master of all Egypt. He now therefore appointed that Cleopatra, with her younger brother, then an infant, should jointly govern, according to the intention of their father's will; and banished Arsinoe with Ganymede. For a while he also relaxed from his usual personal activity, captivated with the charms of Cleopatra, and passing whole nights in feasts with her. He even proposed to attend her up the Nile into Ethiopia; but the brave veterans who had followed his fortune boldly reprehended his conduct. Thus roused from his lethargy, he left Cleopatra, by whom he had a son, afterwards named Cesarion, to oppose Pharnaces king of Pontus. Here he was attended with the greatest success; and, having settled affairs in this part of the empire, embarked for Italy, where he arrived sooner than his enemies expected. He had been, during his absence, created consul for five years, dictator for one year, and tribune of the people for life. But Antony, who governed in Rome for him, had filled the city with riot and debauchery. By his moderation and humanity Cæsar soon restored tranquillity, and then prepared to march into Africa, where Pompey's party had rallied under Scipio and Cato, assisted by Juba king of Mauritania. But the vigor of his proceedings was near being retarded by a mutiny in his own army. Those veteran legions, who had hitherto conquered all that came before them, began to murmur at not having received the reward which they had expected, and now insisted upon their discharge. Cæsar however quelled the mutiny; and then, with his usual rapidity, landed with a party in Africa, the rest of the army following soon after. After many skirmishes, he invested Tapsus, supposing that Scipio would attempt its relief; which accordingly happened. Scipio, joining with Juba, advanced with his army, and, encamping near Cæsar, they came to a general engagement. Cæsar's success was as usual; the enemy received a complete and total overthrow, with little loss on his side. Juba, and Petreius his general, killed each other in despair; Scipio, attempting to escape by sea into Spain, fell among the enemy, and was slain; so that, of all the generals of that undone party, Cato alone was now remaining. This extraordinary man, having retired to Africa after the battle of Pharsalia, had led the wretched remains of that army through burning deserts and tracts infected with serpents, and was now in Utica, which he had

been left to defend. Still, however, in love with even the show of a Roman government, he had formed the principal citizens into a senate, and conceived a resolution of holding out the town. He accordingly assembled his senators upon this occasion, and exhorted them to stand a siege; but, finding his admonitions ineffectual, stabbed himself with his sword. See CATO.

Upon Cato's death, the war in Africa being completed, Cæsar returned in triumph to Rome, and astonished the citizens at the magnificence of it, and at the number of the countries which he had subdued. It lasted four days; the first was for Gaul, the second for Egypt, the third for his victories in Asia, and the fourth for that over Juba in Africa. To every one of his soldiers he gave a sum equivalent to about £150 of our money, double that sum to the centurions, and four times as much to the superior officers. The citizens also shared his bounty; to every one of whom he distributed ten bushels of corn, ten pounds of oil, and a sum of money equal to about two pounds sterling. After this he entertained the people at about 20,000 tables, treated them with the combats of gladiators, and filled Rome with a concourse of spectators from every part of the world. The people now seemed eager only to find out new modes of homage and adulation for their new master. He was created magister morum, or master of the morals of the people; received the titles of emperor and father of his country; his person was declared sacred; and, in short, upon him alone were devolved for life all the great dignities of the state. It must be owned that no sovereign could make a better use of his power. He began by repressing vice and encouraging virtue; he communicated the power of judicature to the senators and the knights alone, and by many sumptuary laws restrained the scandalous luxuries of the rich. He proposed rewards to all who had many children; and took the most prudent methods of repeopling the city. Having thus restored prosperity to Rome, he once more found himself under a necessity of going into Spain, to oppose an army which had been raised there under the two sons of Pompey, and Labienus his former general. He proceeded in this expedition with his usual celerity, and arrived before the enemy thought he had left Rome. Cneius and Sextus, Pompey's sons, profiting by their unhappy father's example, resolved to protract the war; so that the first operations of the two armies were spent in sieges and fruitless attempts. At length Cæsar, after taking many cities from the enemy, and pursuing young Pompey with unwearied perseverance, compelled him to come to a battle upon the plains of Munda. After a most obstinate engagement, Cæsar gained a complete victory; and, having now subdued all his enemies, returned to Rome for the last time to receive new dignities and honors. Still, however, he showed great moderation in the use of his power; he left the consuls to be named by the people; he enlarged the number of senators; he pardoned all who had been in arms against him; but deprived them of the power of resistance. He even set up once more the statues of Pompey. The rest of this extraordinary man's life was certainly de

voted to the advantage of the state. He adorned the city with magnificent buildings; he rebuilt Carthage and Corinth, sending colonies to both; he undertook to level several mountains in Italy, to drain the Pontine marshes, and designed to cut through the Isthmus of the Peloponnesus. Thus he formed mighty projects and designs beyond the limits of the longest life; but the greatest of all was his intended expedition against the Parthians, by which he designed to revenge the death of Crassus; then to pass through Hyrcania, and enter Scythia along the banks of the Caspian Sea; thence to open himself a way through the immeasurable forests of Germany in Gaul, and so return to Rome. These were the plans of this great man; but the jealousy of a few individuals soon put an end to them. The senate, with an adulation which marked the degeneracy of the times, continued to load Cæsar with fresh honors, and he continued with avidity to receive them. They called the month Quintilis July after him; to which indeed he was entitled by his reform of the kalendar; they stamped money with his image; they or dered his statue to be set up in all the cities of the empire; instituted public sacrifices on his birth-day; and talked, even in his life-time, of enrolling him in the number of their gods. Antony, at one of their public festivals, foolishly ventured to offer him a diadem; but he repeatedly refused it, and received at every refusal loud acclamations from the people. One day, when the senate gave him some particular order, he neglected to rise from his seat; and from that moment it began to be rumored that he intended to make himself king; for, though in fact he already possessed supreme power, the people could not bear his assuming the title. Whether he ever really designed to wear that empty honor must now for ever remain a secret; certain it is that the unsuspecting openness of his conduct marked something like a confidence in his own innocence. When informed by those about him of the jealousies of many who envied him, he said that he had rather die once by treason than live continually in the apprehension of it; and disbanded his company of Spanish guards. Yet a deep-laid conspiracy was formed against him, composed of no less than sixty senators. At the head of this conspiracy was Brutus, whose life Cæsar had spared after the battle of Pharsalia, and Cassius, who had been pardoned soon after, both prætors for the year. Brutus gloried in being descended from that Brutus who first gave liberty to Rome; and, from a wish to follow his example, broke all the ties of gratitude, and joined in a conspiracy to destroy his benefactor: Cassius was impetuous and proud, and hated Cæsar more than his cause. He had often sought an opportunity of assassination, rather from private than public motives. The conspirators, to give a color of justice to their proceedings, remitted the execution of their design to the ides of March, the day on which it was reported that Cæsar was to be offered the crown. The augurs had foretold that this day would be fatal to him; and the night preceding he heard his wife Calphurnia lamenting in her sleep; and, being awakened, she confessed to

him that she dreamed of his being assassinated in her arms. These omens had almost changed his intention of going to the senate; but one of the conspirators, coming in, prevailed upon him to do so, telling him of the reproach which would attend his staying at home till his wife had lucky dreams. As he went to the senate, a slave, who hastened to him with information of the conspiracy, attempted to come near him, but could not for the crowd. Artemidorus, a Greek philosopher, who had discovered the whole plot, delivered him a memorial containing his information; but Cæsar gave it to one of his secretaries without reading it. As soon as he had taken his place in the senate, the conspirators came near, under a pretence of saluting him; and Cimber approached in a suppliant posture, to sue for his brother's pardon, who was banished. All the conspirators seconded him, and Cimber, apparently to apply with the greater submission, took hold of the bottom of his robe, so as to prevent his rising. This was the signal. Casca, who was behind, stabbed him slightly in the shoulder. Cæsar instantly turned round, and with the style of his tablet wounded him in the arm. But, the rest of the conspirators enclosing him round, he received a second stab from an unknown hand in the breast, while Cassius wounded him in the face. He still defended himself vigorously, rushing among them, and throwing down such as opposed him, till he saw Brutus among the conspirators, who, coming up, struck his dagger in his thigh. From that moment Cæsar thought no more of defending himself; but, looking upon this assailant steadily, cried out, And you, too, my son Brutus?" Then covering his head, and spreading his robe before him to fall with decency, he sunk down at the base of Pompey's statue, after receiving twentythree wounds, in the fifty-sixth year of his age, and fourth of his dictatorship.

As soon as the conspirators had despatched Cæsar, they addressed the senate to vindicate their motives, and to excite them to join in procuring their country's freedom; but all the senators who were not accomplices fled. The people also, being alarmed, ran tumultuously through the city; some actuated by their fears, and more by a desire of plunder. In this confusion, the conspirators retired to the capitol, and guarded its accesses by a body of gladiators. It was in vain they alleged they only struck for freedom, and that they killed a tyrant who usurped the rights of mankind; the people, accustomed to luxury and ease, little regarded their professions. The friends of the late dictator now found that this was the time for gratifying their ambition under the veil of justice. Antony, who was a lieutenant under Cæsar, was a man of moderate abilities and of excessive vices; ambitious of power, but well skilled in war. He was consul for that year; and resolved with Lepidus to seize the sovereign power. Lepidus therefore took possession of the forum with a band of soldiers; and Antony, being consul, was permitted to command. They first possessed themselves of all Cæsar's papers and money; next they convened the senate, to determine whether Cæsar had been a legal magistrate

or a usurper, and whether those who killed him merited reward or punishment. There were many of those who had received their promotions from Cæsar, and had acquired large for tunes in consequence of his appointments; to vote him a usurper therefore would have endangered their property; and yet to vote him innocent might endanger the state. In this dilemma they tried to reconcile extremes they approved all the acts of Cæsar, but granted a general pardon to the conspirators. This decree did not satisfy Antony, as it granted security to a number of men who were the avowed enemies of tyrrany, and who would be foremost in opposing his schemes. As therefore the senate had ratified all Caesar's acts, without distinction, he formed a scheme upon this of making him rule when dead. Being possessed of Cæsar's books, he prevailed upon his secretary to insert whatever he thought proper. By these means, great sums of money, which Caesar never would have bestowed, were or dered to be distributed among the people; and every man who was averse to republican principles was sure of finding a gratuity. He then demanded that Caesar's funeral obsequies should be performed; which the senate could not decently forbid, as they had never declared him a tyrant. Accordingly the body was brought forth into the forum with the utinost solemnity; and Antony began to excite the passions of the people. He first read Cæsar's will, in which he had left Octavius, his sister's grandson, his heir, permitting him to take the name of Cæsar; and three parts of his private fortune Brutus was to inherit in case of his death. The Roman people were left the gardens which he had on the other side the Tiber; and every citizen was to receive 300 sesterces. This last bequest greatly increased the people's affection for Cæsar; they considered him as a father, who, after doing them the greatest good while living, thought of benefiting them after his death. As Antony continued reading, the multitude were moved, and lamentations were heard from every quarter. Antony now began to address the assembly in a more pathetic strain; he presented before them Cæsar's bloody robe, and, as he unfolded it, took care they should observe the number of stabs in it; he then displayed an image of the body of Cæsar, all covered with wounds. The people could now no longer contain their indignation; they unanimously cried out for revenge; and the multitude ran with flaming brands from the pile to set fire to the conspirator's houses. They, however, being well guarded, repulsed the multitude; but, perceiving their rage, they thought it safest to retire from the city. Divine honors were then granted to the fallen dictator; and an altar was erected on the place where his body was burnt, where afterwards was erected a column inscribed, To THE FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY. In the mean time Antony, having gained the people by his zeal in Cæsar's cause, next endeavoured to bring over the senate, by a seeming concern for the freedom of the state. He therefore proposed to recall Sextus, Pompey's only remaining son, who had concealed himself in Spain, and to grant him the

command of all the fleets of the empire. His next step was the quelling a sedition of the people, who rose to revenge the death of Cæsar, and putting their leader Amathus to death, who pretended to be the son of Marius. He after this pretended to dread the resentment of the multitude, and demanded a guard. The senate granted it; and, under this pretext, he drew round him a body of 6000 resolute men, attached to his interests. Thus he continued every day making rapid strides to absolute power; all the authority of government was lodged in his hands and those of his two brothers, who shared among them the consular tribunitian and prætorian power. His vows to revenge Cæsar's death seemed postponed or forgotten; and his only aim was to confirm himself in that power which he had thus artfully acquired. But an obstacle to his ambition soon arose in Octavius, or Octavianus Cæsar, the grand nephew and adopted son of Cæsar, who was at Apollonia when his kinsman was slain. He was then about eighteen years old, and had been sent to that city to improve himself in Grecian literature. Upon the news of Cæsar's death, notwithstanding the earnest dissuasions of his friends, he returned to Rome to claim the inheritance, and revenge the death of his uncle. But Antony, whose projects were only to aggrandise himself, gave him but a cold reception, and, instead of granting him the fortune left him by Caesar's will, delayed the payment of it upon various pretences. Octavianus, instead of abating his claims, sold his own patrimonial estate to pay such legacies as Cæsar had left, and particularly that to the people. By these means he gained a degree of popularity, which his enemies vainly labored to diminish. The army near Rome, who had long wished to see the conspirators punished, began to turn from Antony to his rival, whom they saw more sincerely bent on gratifying their desires. tony having procured also the government of Hither Gaul from the people, two of the legions that he had brought home from his former government of Macedonia went over to Octavianus. This produced, as usual, interviews, complaints, recriminations, and pretended reconciliations, which only widened the difference; so that at length both sides prepared for war. Thus the state was divided into three distinct factions; that of Octavianus, who aimed at procuring Cæsar's inheritance and revenging his death; that of Antony, whose sole view was to obtain absolute power; and that of the conspirators, who endeavoured to restore the republic. Antony, being raised by the people to his new government of Cisalpine Gaul, contrary to the inclinations of the senate, resolved to enter upon that province immediately, and oppose Brutus, who commanded a small body of troops there, while his army was yet entire. He accordingly left Rome, and, marching thither, commanded Brutus to depart. Brutus, being unable to oppose him, retired with his forces; but, being pursued by Antony, he was at last besieged in the city of Mutina, of which he sent word to the senate. In the meanwhile, Octavianus, who by this time had raised a body of 10,000 men, returned to Rome; and being resolved, before

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he attempted to take vengeance on the conspirators, if possible to diminish the power of Antony, began by bringing over the senate to second his designs. In this he succeeded by the credit of Cicero, who had long hated Antony. Accordingly, by his eloquence, a decree was passed, ordering Antony to raise the siege of Mutina, to evacuate Cisalpine Gaul, and to wait the further orders of the senate upon the banks of the Rubicon. Antony treated the order with contempt; and, instead of obeying, began to show his displeasure. On this the senate declared him an enemy to the state, and sent Octavianus, with the army he had raised, to curb his insolence. The consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, joined also their forces; and, thus combined, they marched at the head of a numerous army, against Antony into Cisalpine Gaul. After one or two ineffectual conflicts, both armies came to a general engagement; in which Antony was defeated, and compelled to fly to Lepidus, who commanded a body of forces in Further Gaul. This victory, however, which promised the senate so much success, produced effects very different from their expectations. The two consuls were mortally wounded; but Pansa, previous to his death, called Octavianus to his bed-side, and advised him to join with Antony, telling him that the senate only desired to depress both, by opposing them to each other. The advice of the dying consul sunk deep on his spirits; so that from that time he only sought a pretext to break with them. Their giving the command of a part of his army to Decimus Brutus, and their denying him a triumph soon after, served to alienate his mind entirely from the senate, and made him resolve to join Antony and Lepidus. He was willing, however, to try the senate thoroughly, before he came to an open rupture; wherefore he sent to demand the consulship, which was refused. He then privately sent to sound the inclinations of Antony and Lepidus, concerning a junction of forces, and found them as eager to assist as the senate was to oppose him. Antony was in fact the general of both armies, and Lepidus was only nominally so, his soldiers refusing to obey him upon the approach of the former. Wherefore, upon being assured of the assistance of Octavianus upon their arrival in Italy, they soon crossed the Alps with an army of seventeen legions, breathing revenge against all who had opposed their designs. The senate now began, too late, to perceive their error in disobliging Octavianus; and therefore gave him the consulship which they had so lately refused; and, to prevent his joining with Antony, flattered him with new honors, giving him a power superior to all law. The first use Octavianus made of his new authority was to procure a law for the condemnation of Brutus and Cassius; after which he joined his forces with those of Antony and Lepidus. The meeting of these three usurpers of their country's freedom was near Mutina, upon a little island of the river Panarus. Their mutual suspicions were the cause of their meeting in this place. Lepidus 'first entered, and, finding all things safe, made the signal for the other two to approach. Their conference lasted three days; and the result of

it was, that the supreme authority should be lodged in their hands, under the title of the triumvirate, for five years; that Antony should have Gaul, Lepidus Spain, and Octavianus Africa and the Mediterranean Islands. As for Italy, and the eastern provinces, they were to remain in common until their general enemy was entirely subdued. But the last article of their union was a dreadful one. It was agreed that all their enemies should be destroyed; of which each presented a list. In these were comprised not only the enemies but the friends of the triumvirate, since the partisans of the one were often found among the opposers of the others. Thus Lepidus gave up his brother Paulus to the vengeance of his colleaugue; Antony permitted the proscription of his uncle Lucius; and Octavianus delivered up the great Cicero. The most sacred rights of nature were violated; 300 senators, and above 2000 knights, were included in this terrible proscription; their fortunes were confiscated, and their murderers enriched with the spoil. Rome soon felt the effects of this infernal union, and the horrid cruelties of Marius and Sylla were renewed. As many as could escape the cruelty of the triumvirs, fled into Macedonia to Brutus, or found refuge with young Pompey, who was now in Sicily, and covered the Mediterranean with his numerous navy. Their cruelties were not aimed at the men alone; but the softer sex were also marked as objects of avarice or resentment. They made ont a list of 1400 women of the richest in the city, who were ordered to give in an account of their fortunes to be taxed. But this was so firmly opposed by Hortensia, that they were content to tax only 400. However, they made up the deficiency by extending the tax upon men; nearly 100,000, as well citizens as strangers, were compelled to furnish supplies to the subversion of freedom. At last, both the avarice and vengeance of the triumviri seemed fully satisfied, and they went into the senate to declare that the proscription was at an end; and thus having deluged the city with blood, Octavianus and Antony, leaving Lepidus to defend Rome in their absence, marched with their forces to oppose the conspirators, who were now at the head of a formidable army in Asia.

Brutus and Cassius, the principal conspirators upon the death of Cæsar, being compelled to quit Rome, went into Greece, where they persuaded the Roman students at Athens to declare in the cause of freedom; then, parting, the former raised a powerful army in Macedonia and the adjacent countries, while the latter went into Syria, where he became master of twelve legions, and reduced his opponent Dolabella to such straits that he killed himself. Both parties soon after joining, at Smyrna, the sight of such a formidable force began to revive the declining spirits of the party, and to unite the two generals still more closely. The Rhodians and Lycians having refused their usual contributions, the conspirators made their reduction their first business. The Lycians, rather than submit, burned themselves alive in Xanthus; the humanity of Brutus could save only 150 from the flames. As Antony and Octavianus were now advanced

into Macedonia, they soon after passed over into Thrace, and advanced to Philippi, near which the forces of the triumvirs were posted. A battle soon ensued, in which the republicans were defeated, and Cassius killed. Previous to this battle Brutus is said to have seen a spectre, which warned him of the issue. Brutus, when he became sole general, assembled the dispersed troops of Cassius, and animated them with fresh hopes of victory. As they had lost all they possessed, by the plundering of their camp, he promised them 2000 denarii each man to make up their losses. Still, however, he had not confidence to face the advemary, who offered him battle next day. His aim was to starve his enemies, who were in extreme want of provisions, their fleet having been lately defeated. But his single opinion was over-ruled by the rest of his army, and he was, after a respite of twenty days, obliged to comply with their solicitations to try the fate of the battle. Fortune again declared against him; and the two triumviri expressly ordered by no means to suffer the general to get off, lest he should renew the war. His friend Lucilius giving himself as Brutus, he effected his escape; but however, finding all hopes of retrieving his affairs lost, he slew himself the same night.

After Brutus's death the triumviri acted as sovereigns, and divided the Roman dominions among them. However, though there were apparently three who thus participated the power, only two were actually possessed of it. Lepidus was admitted merely to curb the jealousy of Antony and Octavianus, and possessed neither interest in the army nor authority among the people. Their first care was to punish those whom they had formerly marked for vengeance. The head of Brutus was sent to Rome to be thrown at the foot of Cæsar's statue. His ashes, however, were sent to his wife Porcia, Cato's danghter, who afterwards killed herself by swallowing burning coals. Of all those who had a hand in Cæsar's death, not one died a natural death. The power of the triumviri being thus established, upon the ruins of the commonwealth, Antony went into Greece. Thence he passed over into Asia, where all the monarchs of the east, who acknowledged the Roman power, came to pay him obedience. Among other sovereigns Cleopatra came to him at Tarsus, and he was so captivated by her charms that he returned to Egypt with her, and gave himself up to love. While he thus remained idle, Octavianus, who undertook to lead back the veteran troops and settle them in Italy, was assiduously employed in providing for their subsistence. He had promised them lands at home, as a recompense for their past services; but they could not receive new grants without turning out the former inhabitants. In consequence of this, multitudes of women, with children in their arms, whose tender years and innocence excited universal compassion, daily filled the temples and the streets with their distresses. Numbers of husbandmen and shepherds came to deprecate the conqueror's intention, or to obtain a habitation in some other part of the world: amongst this number was Virgil the poet, who in an humble manner

begged permission to retain his patrimonial farm. Virgil obtained his request, but the rest of his countrymen of Mantua and Cremona were turned out without mercy. Italy and Rome now felt the most extreme miseries; the insolent soldiers plundered at will; while Sextus Pompey, being master of the sea, cut off all foreign communication, and prevented the people's receiving their usual supplies of corn. To these mischiefs were added the commencement of another civil war. Fulvia, the wife of Antony, who had been left at Rome, had felt for some time all the rage of jealousy, and resolved to try every method of bringing back her husband from the arms of Cleopatra. She considered a breach with Octavianus as the only probable means of rousing him from his lethargy; and accordingly, with the assistance of Lucius Antonius, her brother-in-law, who was then consul, and entirely devoted to her interest, she began to sow the seeds of dissension. The pretext was, that Antony should have a share in the distribution of lands as well as Octavianus. To negociations succeeded war, and Octavianus, being victorious, generously pardoned the conquered, but obliged Fulvia to quit Italy. Antony, learning what was passing, resolved to oppose Octavianus without delay. He accordingly sailed at the head of a considerable fleet from Alexandria to Tyre, thence to Cyprus and Rhodes, and had an interview with Fulvia at Athens. He blamed her for occasioning the late disorders, expressed the utmost contempt for her person, and, leaving her upon her death-bed at Sicyon, hastened into Italy to fight Octavianus. They met at Brundudusium. Antony's forces were numerous, but mostly newly raised; but he was assisted by Sextus Pompeius, who was daily coming into power. Octavianus was at the head of those veterans who had always been irresistible, but who seemed not disposed to fight against Antony, their former general. A negociation was therefore proposed, and a reconciliation effected. All offences were mutually forgiven; and a marriage was concluded between Antony and Octavia, the sister of Octavianus. A new division of the Roman empire was made between them; Octavianus was to have the command of the west, Antony of the east, while Lepidus was to have the provinces in Africa. As for Sextus Pompeius, he was permitted to retain all the islands he had already possessed; together with Peloponnesus: he was also granted the privilege of demanding the consulship in his absence, and of discharging that office by any of his friends. It was also stipulated to leave the sea open, and pay the people what corn was due out of Sicily. Thus a general peace was concluded. This calm was continued for some time: Antony led his forces against the Parthians, over whom his lieutenant Ventidius had gained great advantages, while Octavianus drew the greatest part of his army into Gaul, where there were some disturbances; and Pompey went to secure his newly ceded province. It was on this quarter that fresh motives were given for renewing the war. Antony, who was obliged by treaty to quit Peloponnesus, refused to evacuate it till Pompey had satisfied him for such debts as were due to him from the inhabitants. This Pompey

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