whilst they were at her command; I anfwer, that the reins of the French Government are at prefent in the hands of a man, who is either fo totally blinded by ambition as not to forelee confequences; or, if he does forefee them, he trusts to the fuccefs of that ambition to controul them, and undo all he has done. The Jatter is more likely to be the cafe. Buonaparte, in order to carry into effect his darling scheme of fubjugating Britain, wants money; he will go any lengths to obtain it, and he has obtained it at the price of Louisiana. But he looks for ward to greater advantages from the United States, than the fixteen millions of dollars he has obtained from them, which may all be fwallowed up by his numerous armies before he can bring his views towards Britain to an iffue. He is well aware that if circumftances fhould oblige him to prefs Spain into the contest with Britain; or if Britain fhall of her own accord put an end to the infidious neutrality of Spain; a ftoppage will be put to the importation of the South American treasures into Spain in Spanish bottons, and he expects to procure them through the intervention of the Americans. But the Americans fhould beware left by furthering his views, they totally defeat their own. If Buonaparte once fubdue Britain, it will be very eafy for him to reclaim Louifiana, and even to dictate what terms he pleafes to the United States. They will find, when too late for a remedy, that they can as well hold him with a straw as a treaty. If he fails in his attempt on Britain, he knows that the game is up with him, and cares not what becomes of Louifiana or France itself. He can, at the most, be confidered only as a tenant for life,

with neceffaries. Skins, &c. of animals, and fome metals are every thing that can be given there in exchange for articles of fubfiftence, which the inhabitants have not the fpirit to make their lands produce, and for the neceffaries, for which they find it more convenient to pay with gold than with their induftry. The independent Americans will become factors, advantageously placed between European manufacturers, and the inhabitants of regions cundemned by nature to the fterile productions of metals. All the powers of Spain cannot prevent this, nor ought even to undertake it. "This new confideration promifing to the French payment, fo foolishly defired in gold, ought to encourage them to prepare for a commercial connection with the United States."

who cares not what wafte he commits on the freehold.

To Britain thefe facts are of the utmost importance, not only as they point out to what lengths the ambition and implacability of the ruler of France will carry him in his attempts to annihilate their very exiftence as a ration, but also as they may ferve to guide to the future channels through which the South Ame rican treafures may flow-a circumstance well worthy of the attention of the first commercial nation in the world. Whilft the noble ardor of its citizens will protest it against the former, their enterprize and industry ought not to fuffer them to wander out of fight of the latter. What Briffot holds out as an encouragement to the French to prepare for a commercial connection with the United States, is infinitely more applicable to the British to extend theirs already fo well established; and it is a very curious circumftance, that the whole of his work (though partial in the extreme to the French) confeffes throughout the fuperiority of the British merchant, and is the most valuable publication the latter can perufe on the fubje&t of American affairs. A ftrict alliance between Britain and the United States feems to be the natural policy of both. If Britain is proftrated at the feet of France, the United States could not hope to retain Louisiana, nor even their own independ

ence.

If Britain can stand her ground, Louifiana will form part of the American Empire, or (which is more probable) the natives will unite with the emigrants to Louisiana, and form an independent government for themfelves. Britain thould, in the latter cale, have an eye to her future con merce; a great change in the fate of things is eviden ly in preparation, and the ought to prepare herself for it. T. P. L.

this art was revived in that country in this inanner :

"It feemed ftrange to us to obferve feveral pieces of painted glafs in the windows of our Effendis Houte, infcribed in Turkish characters with the name of the proprietor, together with fome religious fentences of Mabome an devotion: but we were much more forprized, when we were informed that it was the manufacture of this place, [Magneira]; for it is ftained with a beautiful as well as durable colour, and comes up to the perfection of the belt we have feen in England. This gave us occafion to reflect on the different fortune of arts and feiences, which, like men, feen to take delight in hifting their tation; for while other arts have now left thefe places, and travelled westward, this alone, in exchange for all the reft, feems to have retired into this, and is deplored as loft in Chriftendom." Soon after, p. 8, he fays, that "the windows of their molques are furnished with excellent painted giafs full of flower-work and religious infcriptions." But as their religion forbids making reprefentations of men, fo by that injunction the chief beauty of that art is of no benefit to them; inafiuch as it deprives them of the use of history painting, the most excellent of all in

that art.

NAMES OF MEN AND FAMILIES.

I have a vaft election of odd names of perfons, fcattered up and down in loofe papers, that I have been heaping together for many years, and whether I fhall ever put them together is more than I can fay, as it will occafion me fome trouble. It confifts of original names, before furnames were general y introduced, greatly collected from the original Chartularies of Crowland Abbey and Spalding Priory: of odd and fantaftical names; puritannical names in the time of, and preceding the grand rebellion: names taken from trades and occupations: with various other denominations: as compound names from cock and wood. particularly. The trouble of reducing them into a regular or alphabetical order deters me from meddling with them, and therefore, probably, my labour may he loft, in collecting them.

The French have a work of a fimilar kind." Traité de l'Origine des Noins et des Surnoms: et de leur Diverfitè, de leurs Proprietez, de leur Changemens, tant chez les anciens Peuples, que chez les François, les Efpagnols, les Anglois, les Allemans, les Polonois, les Suedois, les Danois, les

Italiens, et autre Nations, par M. Gilles Andri de la Roque. Par. 1681," 8vo.

SIR WILLIAM GOOCH. Nothing is unworthy of publication, which may convey an ufeful leffon to mankind. Sir William Gooch being in converfation with a gentleman in a street of the city of Williamsburgh, returned the falute of a Negro, who was paffing by about his mafter's bufinefs. Sir, faid the gentleman, does your honour defcend fo far as to falute a flave? Why, yes, replied the Governor; I cannot suffer a man of his condition to exceed me in good manners. Perhaps never reprimand was more delicate. How different an impreffion the following incident gives us of another Governor of Virginia! The laws of that country were formerly oppreffive to the Quakers. Lord Howard of Effinghan, having an avertion to those fectaries, put them rigidly in execution: in confequence of which they fuffered many vexations: a deputation at length waited upon him at Turkey Iffand, requeting with a buckram kind of humility, a mitigation of his feverity. On his abfolute refufal" Well, replied their Chief, the Lord's will then be done!"

Yes, by (anfwered the Governor) and the Lord's will [meaning himself] fhall be done, I give you my word." Original LETTER from BISHOP manox,

to DR. ZACH. GRAY. REVEREND SIR,

The dangerous illness and fince that the death of a very near relation, has prevented my acknowledging fooner the favour of your letter, and very obliging congratulations.

I have always thought Mr. Neale's an unneceffery and injurious attack upon the great inftruments of the bluffed reformation in this kingdom; and cannot but be fomewhat Jurprized, that Mr. Jennings thould adventure to avow in print fuch an affertion with regard to Mr. Neale's historical performances, which by evidence, and by evidence only, you have convicted of fo many gross, I with (especially as he is now dead, and can't defend himself) there were lefs ground to believe them wilful, mistakes.

You are pleased to mention a Review of the History of the Puritans, and likewife a defign of my Vindication, &c. I fuppofe you intend thefe to go together as one performance, which may be very proper, to give the world, at one view, a jutt notion of the whole Hiftory of the Puritans.

I do not recollect, (for I have not the books here,) that Mr. Neale has charged me with one falfe quotation; and therefre can't imagine upon what evidence Mr. Jennings can hope to fupport his affertions, fince the proof of the feveral propofitions in my book stand wholly unimpeached and the exact care and fidelity, as well as an extenfive knowledge in history, which appear uncontradicted in your feveral volumes, muft give full conviction of the impartiality and truth to be found in the History of the Puri

tans.

I fhall be very glad to see your Review, which I dare fay will be compofed with the utmolt candour and fidelity, and give just fatisfaction to your readers, and in particular to, Sir, your faithful fervant, and affectionate brother,

Weftrop, July 20, 1743. ISA. ASAPH.

SIR CORDELL FIREBRACE.

Query if the name of Firebrace does not come from fier-à bras, or valiant arm. One of the fons of Tancred de

Hauteville, in Normandy, in the eleventh century was called Guillaume Fier-à bras, who conquered part of Italy, near Naples, and was Count de la Puglia.

BISHOP ZACHARY PEARCE.

The hiftory of Bishop Pearce's intended refignation is matter of furprize to every body. Various motives have been thought of for him: but I have, by chance, heard of that, which he has declared himself to a friend of mine, viz. That as he never made a finecure of his preferments, he is tired with bufinefs, and being in the feventy-fourth year of his age, he will refign his church preferment whilft his faculties are entire, leaft he might chance to outlive them, and the church suffer by his infirmities. The good Bishop feemed to have just been reading Horace's.

Solve fenefcentem maturè fanus equam, &c. and did not fee, but an old Bishop, as well as an old horfe, had a right to his difcharge.

Letter from Dr. Pettingal to Mr.
Cole, 25 Jan. 1764.
CORRESPONDENCE relative to CHAT-

Review, but hope one is not guilty of the death of every man who does not make one the dupe of a forgery. I believe Macpherfon's fuccefs with Offian, was more the ruin of Chatterton than 1. Two years paffed between my doubting the authenticity of Rowley's Poems, and his death. I never knew he had been in London, till fome time after he had undone and poifoned himself there. The poems he fent me were transcripts in his own hand; and even in that circumftance he told a lie; he faid he had them from the very perfon at Bristol, to whom he had given them. If any man was to tell you that monkish rhimes had been dug up at Herculaneum, which was deftroyed feveral centuries before there was any fuch poetry, fhould you believe it? jult the reverfe is the cafe of Rowley's pretended poems. They have all the elegance of Waller and Prior, and more than Lord Surrey-but I have no objection to any body believing what he pleafes. I think poor Chatterton was an that Rowley forefaw metres that were aftonishing genius-but I cannot think invented long after he was dead, or that our language was more refined at Bristol in the reign of Henry V. than it was at court under Henry VIII. One of the chaplains of the Bishop of Exeter has found a line of Rowley in Hudibras the monk might forefee that too! the prematurity of Chatterton's genius is, however, full as wonderful, as that fuch a prodigy as Rowley fhould never have been heard of till the eighteenth century. The youth and industry of the former are miracles too; yet ftill. more credible. There is not a fymptom in the poems, but the old words, that favours of Rowley's age. Change the old words for modern, and the whole construction is of yesterday.

The other story you tell me, is very credible, and perfectly in character. Your's ever, Berkely Square, Dec. 30. 1781.

H. W.

You will be furprized, when I tell you, that I have only dipped into Mr. Bryant's book, and lent the Dean's before I had cut the leaves, though I had peeped into it enough to fee, that I fhall not read it. Both he and Mr. Bryant are so diffuse on our antiquated literature, that I had rather believe in Rowley, than go through their proofs. Wr. Warton and Mr. Tyrwhyt have more patience, and intend to anfwer them-and fo the controverfy

Dr.

controverfy will be two hundred years out of my reach. Mr. Bryant I did find begged a yait many questions, which proved to me his own doubts. Glynn's foolish evidence made ine laugh and fo did Mr. Bryant's fenfibility for me. He fays Chatterton treated me very cruelly in one of his writings. I am fure I did not feel it fo. I fuppofe Bryant means under the title of Baron of Otranto, which is written with humour. I must have been the sensitive plant, if any thing in that character had hurt me! Mr. Bryant too and the Dean, as I fee by extracts in the papers, have decorated Chatterton with fanctimonious honour. Think of that young rafcal's note, by fumming up his gains and loffes by writing for and against Beckford, he fays, "am glad he is dead, by 31. 138. 6d.” There was a lad of too nice honour to be guilty of a forgery!-and a lad, who they do not deny, forged the poems in the style of Offian and fifty other things. In the parts I did read, Mr. Bryant as I expected, reafons admirably, and taggered me; but when I took up the poems called Rowley's again, I proteft I cannot fee the fmalleft air of any antiquity, but the old' words. The whole texture is conceived on ideas of the prefent century. The liberal manner of thinking of a monk fo long before the reformation is as ftupendous-and where he met with Ovids Metamorphofis, Eclogues, and plans of Greek Tragedies, when even Caxton, a printer, took Virgil's neid for fo rare a novelty, are not lefs incomprehenfible-though thefe things I fpeak at random, nor have fearched for the era when the Greek and Latin Claffics caine again to light-at prefent, I imagine, long, after our Edward IV.

Another thing ftruck me in my very curfory perufal of Bryant. He afks where Chatterton could find fo much knowledge of English events? I could tell him where he might, by a very natural hypothefis, though merely an hypothefs. It appears by the evidence that Canning left fix chefts of MSS. and that Chatterton got poffeffion of fome, or feveral. Now what was there in fo probably as a diary drawn up by Canning hinifelf, or fome church warden, or wardens, or by a monk or monks? Is any thing more natural than for fuch a perfon, amidst the events of Bristol, to fet down fuch other public facts as happened in the rest of the kingdom? Was not fuch

almost all the materials of our ancient tory? There is actually fuch an one, with fome curious collateral facts, if I am not mistaken, for I write by memory, in the History of Furnese or Fountaines' Abbey. I forget which. If Chatterton found fuch an one, did he want the extenfive literature on which so much stress is laid? Hypothefis for hypothefis, I am fure this is as rational an one, as the supposition that fix chets were filled with poems never else heard of.

These are any indigefted thoughts on this matter-not that I ever intend to digeft them-for I will not, at fixty-four, fail back into the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and be drowned in an ocean of monkish writers of thofe ages, or of this! Your's most fincerely, H. WALPOLE."

FOTHERINGAY CASTLE.

There is now no remains of the Cattle of Fotheringay, except the artificial hill on which tood the Keep, which is now covered with grafs, and a few out. buildings which make a farm-house: and no remembrance or tradition where the Hall food, in which the unfortunate Mary Queen of Scots was beheaded. It was furrounded by a mote, now a dry ditch. Very near it stands the gate-house of an old building, now converted into farm-barns and offices, on the other fide of the ftreet, at the corner. On the gatehoufe arch are thefe arms which looks as if it was the remains of the Palace of the Dukes of York, viz. Leon and Caftile quarterly, and on the other fide of the arch, Mortimer and Burgh quarterly; above the arch are the Arms of France and England, quarterly, held by an Angel; and on the other fide the fame, quarterly Neville.

Edward of Langley, Earl of Cambridge and Duke of York, 5th fon of King Edward III. had to his ift wife Ifabella, 2d daughter, and one of the heirs of Peter King of Caftile and Leon; by whom he had Edward Plantagenet, Duke of York, who was flain at the battle of Agincourt, 1415, 25th October; and was buried at Fothergay, December ft, following. Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, after the death of his uncle, Edward beforefaid, was flain in the battle of Wakefield, 1460, and, being first buried at Pomfret, was afterwards removed to the church of Fotheringay. He married Cecilia, daughter of Ralph Neville, Earl of Wefton, which accounts for two of these bearings.

ORIGINAL

2

MEMOIR of the LIFE of TIBERIUS HEMSTERHUIS, many YEARS PROFESSOR of GREEK in the UNIVERSITY of LEY

DEN.

IBERIUS HEMSTERHUIS was born

bruary in the year 1685. His father, Francis Hemfterhuis, was a learned phyfician, who delighted greatly in polite literature, and, to gratify a liberal and fcientific curiofity, had travelled over almoft all Europe.

The fon, while a mere child, was diftinguished by uncommon quickness of apprehenfion and fondness for books. In his fourteenth year he had paffed through the ordinary courfe of fchool learning, and was already a ftudent at the univerfity of Groningen. Mathematics became there his favourite ftudy. The famous John Bernoulli, Profeffor of that science, ufed to declare that he never taught a pupil who made more rapid proficiency; and Hemfterhuis himself, in his after-life, confidered his early attention to mathematics as what had firft bestowed thofe habits of accurate and patient investigation to which he owed his fuccefs in acquiring other parts of knowledge.

From Groningen he went, after fome years, to Leyden, where he was defirous to hear in particular the lectures of the famous Perizonius, on ancient history, and on the difficulties and delicacies of Roman literature. Such was his reputation even then for knowledge and diligence, that the Curators of this univerfity were induced to confide to Hem(terhuis the charge of arranging the manufcripts belonging to its library, which happened then to be in a state of neglected confusion. Young as he was, it was then judged by many that it would have been for the honour and intereft of the university, to have appointed him, instead of Havercamp, to fucceed James Gronovius in the profeilor fhip of the Greek tongue.

In the twentieth year of his age Hemfterhuis had the honour of being called to Eture upon mathematics and natural philofophy at Amfterdam. He filled that fituation with diftinguished merit; and in the fociety of his colleagues, Brookhaufe, Bergler, and Kutter, all three men of extraordinary claffical attainments, he cultivated with growing aidour that fondness for the elegant and profound erudition of antiquity, which was, even betose, the ruling paffion in his heart.

MONTHLY MAG .No. 113.

An accident engaged him, at this time more particularly, in the ftudy of Greek literature. By the recommendation of Grævius he was requested to undertake the care of an edition of the Oropasix

having been begun under the direction of John Henry Lederlin, was by his death left unfinished.

On this task he entered with ardour, and with that confidence in his own powers which is ever natural to youth and inexperience. His fuccefs was in fome measure answerable to his diligence and zeal; for when this edition was completed, it was allowed by the unanimous voice of the learned world to exhibit the text of the author more genuine, and with more valuable illuftrations, than it appeared in any of the former editions. He was himself at first fufficiently pleased with his achievement; and he had indeed reafon to be pleafed. The work of Pollux is a ftorehouse of the curiofities of Greek erudition, and contains many extracts from the works of the poets of ancient Greece, which are not elsewhere preferved. To throw light on the obfcurities of fuch a collection, and to ascertain at every doubtful paffage the genuine readings, was a talk requiring no common fagacity and learning: but in this he had undeniably exceeded the endeavours of fome of the moft illuftrious fcholars' of former times, while he was as yet but of a very juvenile age. It was, as it were, Charles XII. who before the age of pu-. berty had surpassed the deeds of the most mature and experienced commanders-or it was rather Hercules, that crushed the ferpents in his cradle.

Yet he was in a fhort time much rather ashamed than proud of his performance.By the intermediation probably of Græ- · vius, the friend of Dr. Richard Bentley, the young critic having opened a correfpondence with this profound and elegant fcholar, while his Julius Pollux was yet in the prefs, received in a letter his opinion of the general merits of the new edition, as foon as Bentley had procured a copy of it, together with a variety of new readings of paffages in the poetical fragments, fuggefted chiefly by the confideration of what the laws of the metre required.Bentley, by the admirable vigour, acutenefs, and elastic vivacity of his genius, furpaffed in fcience, in erudition, in eloquence, in the power of cogent reasoning, in manly originality of thought, and in M m

felicity